they were irrelevant (_impertinentes_).[159] It is difficult to
reconcile these decisions, except on the hypothesis that the later
ruling was thought to be more likely to damage Luis de Leon than the
earlier one. In their despair, his adversaries trumped up an assertion
which was easily disproved.[160]

Disorderly and incoherent as it is, the record of the case enables us
to corroborate and, in one or two trifling particulars, to supplement
the details reported by Francisco Pacheco who, in his youth, may
easily have met Luis de Leon and must later have known many who had
seen him. According to that painter's _Libro de Descripcion de
verdaderos Retratos de illustres y memorables varones_, Luis de Leon
was below the middle height; he had a large but shapely head, covered
with thick and rather curly hair which grew densely on the crown; his
brow was broad; his features were more blunt than aquiline; his
complexion was darkish; his green eyes were bright; his aspect was
grave; and, we may add, he was prone to walk quickly. Pacheco, indeed,
regarded Luis de Leon as something of a universal genius: an expert in
mathematics, in jurisprudence, in medicine--and, though self-taught as
a painter--an artist of considerable skill. (This last was a
compliment, coming as it did from the future father-in-law of
Velazquez.) Evidently Pacheco was a whole-hearted admirer whose
enthusiasm needs discounting. However, so far as we can check it, his
account seems to be correct in the matter of direct observation. The
fact that there is scarcely one flash of humour in the interminable
record of the Valladolid trial confirms Pacheco's report of the
prisoner's habitual gravity. No doubt the tragic circumstances in
which he found himself were not conducive to displays of humour. When
being tried for his life, the merriest of men does not dwell on the
innate absurdity of things. Humour was, however, one of the few gifts
which nature had denied to Luis de Leon. He was aware of this himself,
to judge from his statement that he had nothing of the jester or
scoffer in him.[161] But if Luis de Leon was relatively poor in
humour, he had an abundant store of mordant sarcasm and a faculty for
ironic banter, as Medina and Castro learned to their chagrin.[162]
Pacheco's opinion of Luis de Leon's versatile talent is borne out by
the scrap of evidence given at the trial by Francisco de Salinas--the
sightless dedicatee of _El aire se serena_. Salinas bore witness that
some of Luis de Leon's admirers were persuaded that he could carry any
University chair against all competition.[163] Evidently to those who
met him frequently Luis de Leon conveyed the impression of
irresistible talent. Though students voted in professorial elections
at Salamanca, and supported Luis de Leon loyally, he did nothing to
conciliate them, and expressed his opinion of them with unquestionable
candour. We gather that he was profoundly attached to the ancient
order of things[164] and that, though accused of interpreting the
Bible in a rabbinical sense, he had never read a rabbinical book.[165]
We learn that among his teachers were Guevara, Mancio, Cipriano, and
Melchor Cano;[166] of these he would seem most to have esteemed
Cano.[167] With such masters, and being the man he was, Luis de Leon
would naturally have got together a good theological library, and he
was allowed to have some of his books in his prison-cell; it is but
natural that most of his requests should be for theological works
which would be of service in preparing his defence on technical
points. Reading was his sole solace during his imprisonment, and it
is noticeable that, whenever he asks for a book he speaks of it--not
with the dry, meticulous precision of a bibliographer but--with all
the caressing detail of a genuine book-lover. He indicates the sizes
of the various works which he needs, describes their bindings, and
mentions in what part of his monastery-cell they will be found. He
wants a Vatable with gilt edges, bound in black; it should be found in
a case for smaller volumes which lies on his writing-table. He asks
for a Bible, printed by Plantin, bound in black leather and fastened
with black silk ribbons. He demands a Biblical concordance which is in
folio. This lies on a high shelf near the window.[168] He begs to have
the works of St. Justin, which will be found in the shelves on the
left as you enter his monastery-cell. But not all his requests are for
theological works. A true son of the Renaissance, he finds
entertainment or instruction in communing with the best of antiquity.
When in this mood he asks for his Aristotle bound in sheep's-skin; it
will be found in the shelves on the right as you enter the
monastery-cell. He would like a Horace and a Virgil--of which there
are a great many ('_de que hay hartos_'), so that he does not
particularize. He wants his Homer (in Greek and Latin) bound in
sheep's-skin, and with red edges; it will be found in the shelves
where the works of St. Justin are.[169] Again, besides the works of
St. Leo, bound in parchment, he asks for his Sophocles in black calf;
for a Pindar (in Greek and Latin), bound partly in black leather, with
gilt edges; and for _Le prose dil Bembo_, a volume in small quarto
with a parchment binding.[170] This throws light on Luis de Leon's
progress as a linguist. An imprisoned man who asks for an Italian book
to becalm his fever may be safely presumed to know that language. In
or about 1569 when Arias Montano read aloud the anonymous Italian work
which disturbed Zúñiga's scrupulous conscience, Luis de Leon, though
of course able to catch the author's drift, did not really know
Italian at that time.[171] This deficiency had been made good, as he
gives us to understand, previous to March 12, 1573--twenty eight
months, or more, before Luis de Leon asked that his copy of _Le prose
dil Bembo_ should be given to him in prison.

The record of the Valladolid trial likewise reveals to us some of Luis
de Leon's intellectual foibles. But these were extremely few. Towards
the end of the proceedings at Valladolid the Inquisitionary judges
there summoned before them Juan Galvan, a young theological student
who lodged with Salinas, the blind musician. Galvan testified that for
about two years he had discussed matters of theology, mathematics, and
astrology with Luis de Leon.[172] It may astonish some that Luis de
Leon toyed with the pseudo-science of astrology: it cannot have
surprised his judges for, on April 18, 1572, while still bewildered as
to the cause of his arrest, he had stated to them in writing that he
had read a compilation on astrology which had been lent to him by a
student named Poza, a licentiate in canon law. Poza seems to have
doubted whether he ought to keep such a work, and consulted Luis de
Leon on the question. Luis de Leon dipped into the book, and came
finally to the conclusion that the whole thing was rubbish. But he
found in the work some curious observations, and was tempted to make
at least one experiment which involved the use of a pious formula. The
owner of the book left Salamanca to avoid an epidemic which was then
raging there. Luis de Leon had expected a visit from Poza that day,
and had intended to burn the volume in Poza's presence. He carried out
the main part of his intention by burning the work in the presence of
Fray Bartolomé de Carranza, to whom he explained the meaning of this
holocaust. No more was heard of Poza; yet it seems that Luis de Leon's
curiosity as to the possibilities of astrology continued with but
little abatement.[173] This half-belief in astrology as a kind of
black art was widespread during the sixteenth century, and vestiges of
this ingenuous credulity have survived in unexpected quarters till our
own time. It was perhaps unwise of Luis de Leon thus to furnish his
adversaries with ammunition which they might use against him; but
could anything bespeak conscious innocence more strongly than his
voluntary avowal?

Luis de Leon heaped one indiscretion on another. In his protestations
of innocence, he went so far as to suggest to the Court what course it
should take. He told the judges plainly that they ought to order Leon
de Castro to be prosecuted for perjury.[174] Later on, he declared
with vehemence that his detention was without a shadow of legality,
that his imprisonment ought not to continue for a single day, and that
he ought to be compensated for the injury done him.[175] These may
have been truths; but they were decidedly unpalatable, and the
expediency of making these assertions to a prejudiced bench is at
least doubtful. But expediency was not an arm that Luis de Leon could
bring himself to use. He complained again and again of delays,
attributing this loss of time to official mismanagement and
incidentally reflecting on the competency of the judges. As time went
on, and as the prisoner's health grew weaker, he lost patience, making
his complaints of delay more frequently and with increasing
vehemence.[176] He impressed on his hearers the fundamental absurdity
of certain charges against him, and, waxing indignant at the statement
that he had thrown doubt on the coming of Christ, he objected to
having so senseless a jest fathered on him. There was always the
alternative that he might be supposed to have used in earnest the
words imputed to him; in which case, even if the evidence on this
point were far more decisive than it actually was, 'before believing
it, it would be your duty to ascertain whether I had gone out of my
mind at the time, or were drunk'.[177] It is, no doubt, difficult to
meet a contention of this kind; but such a contention is not
calculated to capture the sympathies of a wavering Court. Nor should
it be overlooked that the judges were subjected to continual pressure
from the attacking parties. The official _calificadores_ took a
serious view of Luis de Leon's opinions on the authority of the
Vulgate; they showered reports upon the judges; naturally these
reports did not always agree with one another, but they were unanimous
in one respect; they declared against the teaching of Luis de
Leon,[178] and this perhaps decided the tribunal in giving judgement.
We may think that the court unconsciously allowed itself to be swayed
by personal prejudice against a prisoner who was at no great pains to
conceal his estimate of its capacity. However that may be, it must be
admitted that the decision of the Court had behind it a great body of
what may be called expert opinion. The question of the authority due
to the Vulgate was skilfully kept in the foreground; and the report
of even so liberal-minded a man as the Dominican Hernando del Castillo
was not wholly favourable. Castillo, indeed, came to the conclusion
that Luis de Leon had uttered nothing against faith; but while he
acquitted the prisoner of teaching 'erroneous, temerarious or
scandalous doctrine', he held that Luis de Leon was much to blame for
dealing with the question when and where he did.[179] The opinion of
other _calificadores_ was still more hostile, though it is to be noted
that their hostility diminished as time went on and the hour for the
delivery of a decision drew near.[180]

That decision had at last to be given. It had been put off year after
year. This series of postponements--ordered, despite the wishes of the
prisoner and (as he contended) against his interests--had got on to
Luis de Leon's nerves, had led to occasional moods of depression, and
had betrayed him into a few irritable or intemperate outbursts. But
these results were unintentional. The Valladolid judges were well
aware from the outset that no time was to be lost. As early as July
29, 1572, they delegated a piece of work to one of their commissaries
in Salamanca, and impressed on him the urgency of dispatch.[181] They
secured from Benito Rodriguez, the commissary in question, greater
speed than they attained themselves. This may have been due to
accident, or to incompetence on their part. But the policy of
continual adjournment could not be prolonged for ever. It had lasted
too long for the patience of the Supreme Inquisition:[182]

...even the weariest river
Winds somewhere safe to sea.

On September 28, 1576, a vote was taken on Luis de Leon's case. Seven
members at least were present: Francisco de Menchaca, Andrés de Álava,
Luis Tello Maldonado, and Francisco de Albornoz voted that Luis de
Leon should be put to the torture--a moderate amount of torture in
view of his frail health--and, when this was done, the court should
sit again and determine accordingly. Dr. Guijano de Mercado and Dr.
Frechilla took a more lenient view, recommending that, in
consideration of the more exculpatory reports recently given by the
_calificadores_, in consideration also of the replies made by the
prisoner and by Mancio, Luis de Leon should be reprimanded for dealing
with so grave a matter (as the authority of the Vulgate) at an
unsuitable time, before an unsuitable audience; that he should be
called upon to renounce publicly certain views which seemed ambiguous;
that he should be told by his bishop to occupy himself with matters of
general interest; that he should cease lecturing altogether; and that
his _Song of Solomon_, done into Spanish, should be seized. The
Licentiate Pedro de Castro undertook to give his decision in
writing.[183] It may not have been committed to paper: at any rate, it
does not appear in the record. Even the milder judgement of Guijano
and Frechilla seemed excessive to the Supreme Inquisition, which
curtly ordered its deputies at Valladolid to acquit Luis de Leon, to
reprimand him and warn him to be more careful in future, and to
confiscate the manuscript copy of his Spanish version of the _Song of
Solomon_.[184] These orders, dated at Madrid on December 7, 1576,
were, of course, obeyed.[185] As the senior member of the Court, Dr.
Guijano gave the reprimand to which Luis de Leon listened, standing up
while it was pronounced.[186] The date is not stated, but it cannot
have been later than December 15, 1576; for on this day Luis de Leon
applied in writing for an official certificate of acquittal, and for
an order on the accountant of Salamanca University instructing that
officer to pay him arrears of salary from the date of his arrest till
his chair was vacated owing to the lapse of his four years'
tenure.[187] Both applications were granted. But the Ethiopian cannot
change his skin, and it was not till August 13, 1577, that the
petitioner received full satisfaction.[188]




III


[Footnote 53: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 143-144.]

[Footnote 54: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 174-176.]

[Footnote 55: Luis de Leon administered a fund left by the late Doña
Ana Abarca de Sotomayor whose servant Almansa had been. Out of this
fund a life-pension was paid to Almansa (_Documentos inéditos_, vol.
XI, p. 333), of whom Luis de Leon formed a good opinion as appears
from his request of December 20, 1572 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X,
p. 248): 'Yo entiendo que con la mudanza de los priores estará
trastornada toda mi celda, y en poco tiempo faltará lo mas della,
porque conozco en esto la condicion de mi gente; y podrá ser tener yo
necesidad para mi negocio de algunas cosas della; y tambien hay cosas
agenas y que estan á mi cargo dar cuenta dellas si Dios fuere servido
darme libertad algun dia. Suplico á V. md. por amor de Dios sea
servido de enviar á mandar al maestro Francisco Sancho, ó á Francisco
de Almansa, el familiar que vino conmigo, que la cierre y tome todas
las llaves y las guarde. Y este Almansa lo hará muy bien, porque es
hombre de mucha verdad y recaudo. Y suplico á V. md. no lo ponga en
olvido.' Perhaps this recommendation was thought suspiciously warm; at
any rate, the task was entrusted to Pedro de Almansa, Familiar of the
Inquisition at Salamanca.

When taken into custody, Luis de Leon seems to have been in the
company of Fray Alonso Siluente (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p.
188).]

[Footnote 56: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 176. Naturally enough
Luis de Leon lost exact account of time during his imprisonment, and
was not very sure as to when the order for his arrest was issued: 'Y
despues á veinte tres, ó veinte cuatro del dicho mes [de marzo
pasado], el dicho Señor Inquisidor [Diego Gonzalez] me mandó
prender,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 185).]

[Footnote 57: Opinions differ as to whether Luis de Leon was
imprisoned in the original Inquisitionary cells on the site of which
18 and 20 calle del Obispo now stand. Blanco García thought that this
was not the case (_op. cit._, p. 129 _n_). The recurrence of such
phrases as _mandó subir de su cárcel_ (_Documentos inéditos_, vol.
XI, pp. 22, 36, 129, 196) perhaps indicates that Luis de Leon's cell
was underground.]

[Footnote 58: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 179. 'Y suplico á sus
mercedes sean servidos dar licencia para que se le diga al dicho padre
prior [Fray Gabriel Pinelo] que avise á Ana de Espinosa, monja en el
monasterio de Madrigal, que envíe una caja de unos polvos que ella
solia hacer y enviarme para mis melancolías y pasiones de corazon, que
ella sola los sabe hacer, y nunca tuve dellos mas necesidad que agora;
y sobre todo que me encomiende á Dios sin cansarse.']

[Footnote 59: The tone of his request shows that he anticipated a
refusal on the ground that he might wilfully injure himself with a
knife: 'Tambien si sus mercedes fuesen servidos, torno á suplicar se
me dé un cuchillo para cortar lo que como; que por la misericordia de
Dios, seguramente se me puede dar; que jamás deseé la vida y las
fuerzas tanto como agora, para pasar hasta el fin con esta merced que
Dios me ha hecho por la cual yo le alabo y bendigo' (_Documentos
inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 179-180).]

[Footnote 60: The concession of the Inquisitors reads thus: 'Que se le
dé esto que pide; y atento que es hombre enfermo y delicado, dijeron
que mandaban y mandaron que el alcaide le dé un cuchillo sin punta. Lo
cual se mandó al alcaide luego en su presencia' (_Documentos
inéditos_, vol. X, p. 180).]

[Footnote 61: It figures as the sixth charge in the speech of the
prosecuting counsel, Diego de Haedo (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p.
208). Even at this early stage, Haedo is found suggesting that the
prisoner should be tortured till he tells the whole truth: 'pido sea
puesto á quistion de tormento hasta que enteramente diga verdad etc.'
(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 209).]

[Footnote 62: The date of the translation is stated on the authority
of Luis de Leon himself (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 98).]

[Footnote 63: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 271; see also
_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 214-215.]

[Footnote 64: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-101.]

[Footnote 65: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 6.]

[Footnote 66: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 98-99.]

[Footnote 67: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 489.]

[Footnote 68: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 353, 355.]

[Footnote 69: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 505-509.]

[Footnote 70: The exordium, the translation of the first chapter of
the _Song of Solomon_ and the commentary on this first chapter are
printed in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 449-467.]

[Footnote 71: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 99: '...pero no
obstante esto á algunos amigos mios, y á otros, les ha parecido tener
inconveniente por andar en lengua vulgar; y á mí, por la misma razon,
me ha pesado que ande, y si lo pudiera estorbar, lo hubiera estorbado.
Y para remedio dello, el año pasado comencé á ponello en latin, para
siendo examinado y aprobado, imprimillo, dando por cosa agena y no mia
todo lo que anduviese en vulgar y escrito de mano. Y por la falta de
salud que he tenido como es notorio, no lo he podido acabar. Y así
digo que estoy presto á hacer esta ó otra cualquier diligencia que por
V.m. me fuere mandada, y que me pesa de cualquier culpa que haya
cometido, ó en componer en vulgar el dicho libro, ó en haber dado
ocasion directa ó indirectamente á que se divulgase. Y estoy aparejado
á hacer en ello la enmienda que por V.m. me fuere impuesta: y digo que
subjecto humilde y verdaderamente á V.m. y á este Sancto Oficio y
tribunal, ansí este dicho libro, como cualquier otra obra y doctrina
que ó por escrito ó por palabra, leyendo ó disputando, ó en otra
cualquier manera haya afirmado ó enseñado, para en todo ser enmendado
y corregido.]

[Footnote 72: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 252-254. The
following occurs in a document handed in by Luis de Leon on January
26, 1573: '...digo que en fin del mes de hebrero que viene, deste
presente año de setenta y tres, ó por principio de marzo, se cumple el
cuadrienio por el cual me está proveida la cátreda de Durando que
tengo en la universidad de Salamanca, el cual cumplido como es notorio
se vacará, y no oponiéndome yo á ella otra vez, se proveerá en el que
se opusiere y los estudiantes eligieren. Y aunque es verdad que yo no
tengo deseo ni intento de tratar mas de escuelas, habiendo trabajado
en ellas tan bien como mis concurrentes, y habiendo sacado por ocasion
dellas y de sus competencias el trabajo en que estoy; pero entendiendo
que si en esta coyuntura se vacase la dicha cátreda y se proveyese en
otra persona, mucho número de gentes que en el reino y fuera dél
tienen noticia de mi prision, y presumen por ella mal de mí, sabiendo
la dicha vacatura de cátreda y provision en otra persona, no
entendiendo como no entienden, ni saben la ley y estilo de la dicha
universidad, me tendrian del todo por culpado y condenado, y quedaria
siempre en pie esta mala opinion contra mí, aunque Vs. Mds. conociendo
en la prosecucion deste pleito mi inocencia, me den por libre y me
restituyan en mi honra como espero en Dios que sucederá; porque las
sobredichas personas que no saben el estilo de la dicha universidad,
viéndome fuera destas cárceles, y fuera de las escuelas, siempre
entenderian que fué órden de Vs. Mds. y pena de mi culpa, siendo como
son los hombres fáciles á creer lo peor, en lo cual mi órden y mis
deudos, y lo que es principal, la opinion de mi fé y doctrina
recibiria notable agravio y detrimento; por tanto en la mejor manera y
conforme á derecho haya lugar, pido y suplico á Vs. Mds. sean servidos
de ó mandar á la dicha universidad que no innove cosa alguna acerca de
la dicha cátreda, ni de otra cosa que me toque hasta que Vs. Mds.
habiendo conocido los méritos deste pleito juzguen y manden lo que
fueren servidos conforme á justicia, ó me den licencia para... dar
poder á dos ó las demas personas que me pareciere en Salamanca, porque
por mí y en mi nombre, al tiempo que se vacare la dicha cátreda, se
puedan oponer y opongan á ella, y hagan por mí las demas diligencias
que conforme á las leyes y estatutos de aquella universidad fueren
necesarias.']

[Footnote 73: This is recorded in a letter from Francisco Sancho to
the Valladolid Inquisitors (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 135):
'Tres cartas tengo á que responder á Vs. Mds. La una es sobre la
cátedra del maestro Barrientos, en la cual mandan Vs. Mds. que diga al
rector de esta universidad, como está detenido en ese Santo Oficio, y
que en tanto que estuviere ansí detenido, no se provea su cátedra, ni
se haga mudanza en ello. Y luego que recebí la dicha carta, que fué
estando con el mesmo rector, se la mostré y dijo que ansí lo haria y
cumpliria de buena voluntad.']

[Footnote 74: Gonzalez de Tejada, _op. cit._, pp. 44-46. No time was
wasted in filling the chair. It was declared vacant on March 30, 1573;
Medina was elected to it on April 4; he received 95 votes, and the
Augustinian Pedro de Uceda received 54. Uceda (_Documentos inéditos_,
vol. X, pp. 85-90) testified in favour of Fray Luis de Leon; his
evidence gives the impression that he was a timid man, overawed by the
court.]

[Footnote 75: The Inquisitioners' phrase (_Documentos inéditos_, vol.
X, p. 180) has been already quoted: 'atento que es hombre
enfermo....']

[Footnote 76: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 188: 'E antes de ser
llevado á su cárcel, dijo quél está muy enfermo de calenturas como á
sus mercedes les consta, y no tiene quien le cure en su cárcel sino un
mochachico que está allí preso, que es simple; y para habelle de
despertar padece trabajo con él, y ha venido dia de quedarse desmayado
de hambre por no tener quien le dé la comida; y que suplica á sus
mercedes le den un fraile de su órden que le sirva, pues en esto no
hay enconveniente, si ya no quieren permitir de que muera entre cuatro
paredes solo: que por reverencia de nuestro Señor se duelan dél y le
den un fraile que esté en su compañía siquiera para que si se muere le
ayude á bien morir; y que podrá ser que fray Alonso Siluente, que á la
sazon que á este prendieron estaba en su compañía, holgaria de venir á
tenérsela si está en Salamanca, ó sino que sea quien sus mercedes
mandaren. Con tanto fué llevado á su cárcel.']

[Footnote 77: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 197. In a letter
which reached Madrid on November 21, 1575, Luis de Leon wrote as
follows to the Inquisitor-General: 'Por lo cual y atento... a lo
mucho que ha que estoy preso, y á mis pasiones y flaquezas, en caso
que pareciere ser conveniente que la sentencia deste pleito se dilate;
suplico á V.S. Illma. por Jesucristo sea servido, dando yo fianzas
suficientes, mandarme poner en un monasterio de los que hay en esta
villa, aunque sea en S. Pablo, en la forma que V.S. Illma. fuese
servido ordenar, hasta la sentencia deste negocio, para que si en este
tiempo el Señor me llamare, lo cual debo temer por el mucho trabajo
que paso y por mis pocas fuerzas, muera como cristiano entre personas
religiosas, ayudado de sus oraciones, y recebiendo los sacramentos, y
no como infiel solo en una cárcel y con un moro á la cabecera.']

[Footnote 78: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 194: 'Tambien se
consultó á su Señoría Reverendísima lo que escribís cerca de la
indispusicion del maestro fray Luis de Leon y la necesidad que tiene
de servicio, el cual pide que en el monesterio de Sant Augustin de
Salamanca ó en el de esta villa se pida un fraile que esté con él, y
ha parescido que así se haga; pero adviérteseos que el fraile que se
le hubiere de dar no ha de salir de la compañía del dicho fray Luis
hasta que se acabe su causa, y ansí será bien se le avise al que
hubiere de ser antes que entre en las cárceles.']

[Footnote 79: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 50-51: '...ha tres
años que estoy preso, y todo este tiempo he estado sin el uso de los
sacramentos con detrimento de mi ánima, y sin causa que conforme á
derecho obligase á Vs. Mds. á privarme dellos,... Por lo cual pido y
suplico á Vs. Mds., y si menester es les encargo las conciencias, pues
que no son servidos de pronunciar lo que en este mi negocio tienen
difinido, y lo dilatan por concluir primero otros procesos que no me
tocan, ó por los respectos que á Vs. Mds. parece y me tienen preso;
alomenos no me priven de este bien, sino que me den licencia para
confesarme con quien Vs. Mds. señalaren, y para decir misa en esta
sala siquiera de quince en quince días, en lo cual Vs. Mds. harán gran
servicio á Dios, y á mí darán grandísimo consuelo.' This is from a
document which was handed in by Luis de Leon at Valladolid on March
12, 1575. An order was made that this document should be forwarded to
the Supreme Inquisition. I have failed to trace any further reference
to it.]

[Footnote 80: They may have thought that, owing to his
unacquaintance with legal procedure, Luis de Leon was wasting the time
of the court; at any rate, as early as May 6, 1572, Dr. Ortiz de Funes
was appointed counsel to the prisoner (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X,
p. 217). No saving of time was wrought by this change.]

[Footnote 81: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 220: '...yo tengo
flaca memoria, y despues que estoy en la cárcel he perdido gran parte
della,...']

[Footnote 82: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 193: 'Es imposible
acordarse memoria de hombre de todo lo que en las dichas juntas se ha
dicho, mayormente que con la cólera de la disputa, algunas veces salen
de todos los términos de razon y modestia los hombres, y se ciegan de
manera que dende á poco ellos mismos no saben lo que han dicho.']

[Footnote 83: Luis de Leon's memory betrayed him as regards the
signatures attached to the Vatable Bible. He was under the impression
that he had signed a copy which was handed over to Francisco Sancho.
In this he proved to be mistaken. On thinking the point over, Luis de
Leon suggested that he must have signed a copy in the possession of
the Salamancan bookseller, Gaspar de Portonariis; this impression was
likewise mistaken. (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 520-527.)

An amazing lapse of memory led Luis de Leon astray with respect to
Bartolomé de Medina; as Medina did not take his degree till 1570
(_Documentos inéditos_, vols. X, p. 323, and XI, p. 340), Luis de Leon
felt justified in stating that his opponent did not take part in the
revision of Vatable's Bible, which (such was the prisoner's
impression) was finished in 1569. The discovery of Medina's signature
in the Sancho copy of Vatable (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 522)
rendered this position untenable. The fact appears to be that the Old
Testament was revised in 1569; owing to the absence of Sancho and Luis
de Leon, the revision of the New Testament was suspended; it was not
finished till 1571, and thus Medina was enabled to sign the Vatable
Bible. It seems clear that Luis de Leon had no head for dates. He was,
as we have seen (p. 94), doubtful as to when he was arrested, and he
was capable of imagining that a sitting of the Valladolid court had
been held a week before, when no such sitting had taken place.
(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 18.)]

[Footnote 84: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 23, 24: '...antes
de agora yo tengo pedido que se me declaren los nombres y personas de
los Señores del Consejo de la santa y general Inquisicion, ante quien
los auctos y sentencias interlocutorias y difinitivas deste negocio
pueden ir á parar, para que sabiendo quien son yo pueda deliberar lo
que conviene á mi justicia, y si tengo justa causa para recusar á
alguno dellos; y por no se me haber declarado yo tengo apelado. Y
porque por estar preso en cárceles secretas no puedo por mí ni por
otro informarme... pido y suplico á Vs. Mds., é si necesario es, con
debido acatamiento y reverencia requiero, no se envíe cosa alguna de
lo tocante á este mi proceso á los dichos Señores del Consejo, y
protesto la nulidad de lo que en contrario se hiciere. Y si tácita ó
expresamente me fuere denegado otra vez, apelo para ante quien y con
derecho debo, y pido los apóstolos desta mi apelacion con las
instancias é ahincamientos necesarios, y pídolo por testimonio.' It
will be seen that the account given in the text is an under-statement.
Luis de Leon not only appealed over the heads of the Valladolid judges
to the General Inquisition; he was prepared also to challenge, if
necessary, individual members of the General Inquisition itself.]

[Footnote 85: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 81-83. Diego de Gaona
states that he knew Luis de Leon in 1567 or 1568. Gaona esteemed Luis
de Leon to be 'hombre muy hábil en su facultad de teología, aunque le
tenia por hombre algo atrevido en su manera de leer, y á esta causa
este testigo... le oia muy pocas veces por ver su desenvoltura en las
liciones que leia... entraba muy pocas veces á oir al dicho fray Luis
de Leon, é que á esta causa no se le acuerda quienes estaban
presentes, mas de que estaba el general lleno de gente...']

[Footnote 86: Luis de Leon frequently makes this point. The following
passage (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 482) is sufficiently
categorical to render further quotations superfluous: 'Demás desto
digo que el dia pasado aquí en la audiencia entendí que algunos de mis
papeles, los cuales se veen por mandado de Vs. Mds. se han dado á ver
y examinar á fray Juan Gutierrez fraile dominico, y ansí entiendo que
se habrán dado á otros de la misma órden: y siendo notorio como es que
todos los frailes de la dicha órden son sospechosos contra mí por las
competencias que mi órden, y yo señaladamente he tenido con ellos, y
por la cátreda que les hemos quitado, y por las demas causas que yo en
este proceso tengo alegadas y probadas, por las cuales los tengo
tachados por enemigos...']

[Footnote 87: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 559-560: 'Que por
cuanto para hacer el juicio difinitivo acerca de la cualidad de mi
doctrina, Vs. Mds. han de consultar á teólogos doctos y
desapasionados; y porque yo tengo tachados por apasionados y
sospechosos á todos los frailes de la órden de Santo Domingo y de Sant
Hierónimo, y agora de nuevo tacho por lo mismo á los teólogos de la
universidad de Alcalá, porque como es notorio estan encontrados con
los teólogos de Salamanca por muchas causas antiguas y recientes, y
señaladamente porque el Consejo general de la Inquisicion cosas
notadas y censuradas por ellos las ha remitido á los de Salamanca, los
cuales corrigieren las censuras de los dichos, y el Consejo siguió el
parecer de los de Salamanca...' According to Juan de Guevara
(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 277): 'hizo el dicho fray Luis
públicamente cuanto pudo contra Hector Pinto, fraile gerónimo, en la
sostitucion de Biblia, por el maestro Grajal; y los dichos frailes
gerónimos se quejaron dél en el monasterio de Sant Augustin'.]

[Footnote 88: See the first part of the previous note.]

[Footnote 89: Luis de Leon's first application on this point is dated
October 20, 1573 (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 483-488): in this
he mentions his brothers (who were both lawyers) as well as his uncle.
The subsequent proceedings illustrate the leisurely methods of the
Inquisition. Nothing seems to have been done in the matter up to May
12, 1574, when Luis de Leon made another application to the Inquisitor
General; this was entrusted to the Valladolid judges to forward.
Though the Supreme Inquisition directed that an inquiry be held, no
reply had reached Luis de Leon on July 14, 1574, on which date he
renewed his application. He presented a fourth petition on the subject
on August 7: in this he substitutes his father for his brothers (who
were not included in his second and third applications). His request
was refused by the authorities in Madrid on August 13, 1574
(_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, pp. 5-7, 17, 24-25).]

[Footnote 90: _Documentos inéditos_, vols. X, XI, _passim_.]

[Footnote 91: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 353.]

[Footnote 92: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 318: 'Y para este
efecto [fray Bartolomé de Medina y el maestro Leon de Castro] hicieron
junta de estudiantes, y el dicho Medina llamó á su celda á muchos
dellos, y inquirió dellos si habian oido ó sabian algo, poniéndolos en
escándalo, y tomándoles firmas y juramentándolos para que no le
descubriesen. Y con el dicho maestro Leon, y ciertos frailes
hierónimos y otras personas enemigas, se concertó lo que habian de
hacer, y repartieron entre si como en caso de guerra las partes por
donde habian de acometer cada uno y lo que habia de decir, como
vuestras mercedes podrán ser informados de fulano de Alarcon, colegial
de Sanct Millan en Salamanca, que fué uno de los llamados, y él dirá
de otros; y fray Gaspar de Uceda fraile y lector en Sanct Francisco de
Salamanca sabe tambien mucho desto.' Luis de Leon repeats the
accusation of conspiracy in _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 353,
with some comments on Castro's motives.]

[Footnote 93: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 318, 321, 324, 433.]

[Footnote 94: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 348, 439.]

[Footnote 95: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32.]

[Footnote 96: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 369: 'Habrá cuatro
años ó poco mas que por insistir yo en ello, en un capítulo provincial
de mi órden se votó secreto en la eleccion conforme al concilio, y se
atajaron los pasos á la ambicion de muchos, y resultó que este que se
tenia ya por provincial por la violencia de un su amigo, que si se
votara público como solia, era muy poderoso, quedó en vacío. Y estas
son todas sus lágrimas y mis desobediencias.']

[Footnote 97: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32: 'Item dijo que
este declarante ha oido decir, no se acuerda á qué personas, que el
padre de dicho fray Luis de Leon le dejó muy encargado que fuese muy
obediente á sus prelados, y que siguiese la opinion comun en las
letras...']

[Footnote 98: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 366, 368: '...entre
nosotros es este conocido por hombre que sino es por descuido, jamás
dice verdad.']

[Footnote 99: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 32.]

[Footnote 100: This we know from Luis de Leon himself: 'fué mi
discípulo' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 370).]

[Footnote 101: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 35-40.]

[Footnote 102: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 371: 'Y porque mas
claramente conozcan Vs. Mds. la mala intencion deste que depone,...
me dijo que tenia los papeles de aquella lectura de la Vulgata, y que
era la mejor cosa del mundo,... con otras palabras tan encarecidas
que no me estan á mí bien decillas.']

[Footnote 103: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 38.]

[Footnote 104: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 33, 42.]

[Footnote 105: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345. Rojas is
brutally frank. After mentioning that Arboleda was annoyed at Luis de
Leon's preference for Fray Diego de Caravajal, he continues: 'y que
tiene para sí que por esta razon habrá algun resentimiento de parte
del dicho fray Francisco de Arboleda contra el dicho fray Luis
de Leon, por ser el dicho Arboleda cabezudo y no de mucho
entendimiento'.]

[Footnote 106: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 396. The word
'perjuro' is again used by Luis de Leon of this witness in _Documentos
inéditos_, vol. X, p. 375.]

[Footnote 107: F. Picatoste y Rodríguez, _Apuntes para una biblioteca
científica española del siglo XVI_ (Madrid, 1891), pp. 340-344.]

[Footnote 108: Galileo Galilei, _Opere_ (Milano, 1811), vol. XIII, p.
49.]

[Footnote 109: _Documentos inéditos_, vol. X, p. 373: '...es un
fraile de mi órden que se llama fray Diego de Zúñiga, ó por otro
nombre Rodriguez, el cual me quiere mal por las causas que articularé
en su tiempo y lugar; y en esta deposicion lo muestra no obscuramente,
porque demás de no referir verdad en muchas cosas, ninguna cosa dice
en ella forzado por la consciencia, sino movido por su libre y mala
voluntad.' Other instances will be found in Luis de Leon's _Quinto
interrogatorio_ (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI): 'Item si saben etc.
que... fray Diego Rodriguez, ó de Zúñiga por otro nombre, se
desmandó..., y que allí se ordenó que castigasen al dicho fray Diego
Rodriguez ó Zúñiga' (p. 335). 'Item si saben etc. que en un acto,...
el dicho fray Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga,...' (p. 336). 'Item si saben
etc. que el dicho Rodriguez ó Zúñiga, de algunos años á esta parte, ha
mostrado en sus palabras y pláticas tener enemistad y mala voluntad al
dicho maestro fray Luis, hablando mal dél y de sus cosas, y diciendo
que el dicho maestro no habia consentido que el dicho Rodriguez
viviese en S. Augustin de Salamanca, porque sabia mas que el dicho
maestro, y otras cosas ansí' (p. 336).]

[Footnote 110: Pedro de Rojas refers to the fact 'quel dicho fray
Diego Rodriguez ó Zúñiga pasó algunas palabras descorteses con el
padre Cueto,...' (_Documentos inéditos_, vol. XI, p. 345).]

[Footnote 111: C. Muiños Sáenz, _Fr. Luis de Leon y Fr. Diego de
Zúñiga_ (El Escorial, [1915]), pp. 47, 245.]

[Footnote 112: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, p. 58.]

[Footnote 113: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 57, 64.]

[Footnote 114: It is inferred that Zúñiga was professed when he
entered Luis de Leon's cell thirteen years before 1572 (_Documentos
inéditos_, vol. X, pp. 67-68). There is, however, some difficulty in
adjusting the date of this profession with the statement that Zúñiga
was thirty-six when he gave evidence.]

[Footnote 115: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, p. 48.]

[Footnote 116: C. Muiños Sáenz, _op. cit._, pp. 224-240.]

[Footnote 117: He became professor of Scripture at Osuna in 1575. See
F. Rodríguez Marín, _Cervantes y la Universidad de Osuna_ in _Homenaje
á Menéndez y Pelayo_ (Madrid, 1899), vol. II.]

[Footnote 118: It needed uncommon courage to pronounce in favour of
Copernicus at the end of the sixteenth century. The assertion that
'the advancement of Spaniards is evidenced by the facility with which
the theory of Copernicus... was accepted in Spain, when it was
rejected elsewhere' is in the nature of an over-statement. According
to Muiños Sáenz (_op. cit._, pp. 19-20), who refers to his
brother-Augustinian, M. Gutiérrez, 'la doctrina copernicana pugnaba
con la opinión generalizada en las escuelas, y tuvo en España
impugnadores que, como Pineda, y con referencia personal á Zúñiga, la
calificaron de _falsa_, no sin añadir que, á juicio de otros autores,
merecía las calificaciones de _temeraria, peligrosa y opuesta al
sentir de la Sagrada Escritura_.' It seems likely that Zúñiga was dead
before this sweeping condemnation appeared, but the fact that he
thought it prudent to modify the expression of his unqualified
acceptance of the Copernican theory favours the assumption that he may
have had to endure some volume of hostile private criticism. Whatever
may have been Zúñiga's reasons for qualifying his early adhesion to
the Copernican theory, it seems safe to think that timidity was not
one of them. His nerve was unshaken. Towards the end of his life he
was engaged on a task after Luis de Leon's own heart: the bringing to
book of an unreasonable Provincial.]