into joy, when he perceived that his friend still breathed; he took hold of
him, and embraced him eagerly. These two unfortunate men were transported
with mutual joy, at meeting in the midst of their distress, with a fellow
countryman. Mr. Rogery had lost every thing; they had taken from him about
forty pieces of 20 francs each, his watch, and all his effects: he had
nothing left but his shirt, a very bad pair of pantaloons, and a hat. The
wives of the Moors, and still more the children, had greatly tormented him;
the latter, continually pinched him, and hindered him from taking a
moment's sleep. His character was remarkably soured by this treatment, and
his faculties rather impaired. These two unfortunate men, after having
related their distresses to each other, fell asleep close together; some
hours after, the Moors returned, and gave them some of the berries we have
before mentioned. The caravan soon set forward again, and took a _South
West_ direction, which led to the camp of King Zaide: they reached it in
the evening, but the monarch was absent; the report of our shipwreck had
reached his camp, and Zaide, who desires to see every thing himself, had
gone to the sea-shore to have assistance given to such of the persons
shipwrecked, as he should meet with. The King did not return till
twenty-four hours after, which gave time for our travellers to repose, and
for Prince Muhammed to make a bargain with the two whites: to conduct them
to the Isle of St. Louis; the Prince demanded for his trouble, including
the expences of provisions and travelling, 800 gourdes for each, and
obliged them before they set out, to sign an agreement in the Arabic
language: Mr. Kummer consented to it, and said to Mr. Rogery, when we have
once got to St. Louis, we will give them what we please. The latter
hesitated, being much more scrupulous on that point, he would not at first
accede to an agreement which he feared he should not be able to perform;
but seeing that the Moors were resolved to keep him among them, he
consented to accept the absolute proposal of the Prince, and the
conventions were signed.

Our two travellers passed a part of their time in examining the customs of
these people; we shall mention some circumstances which particularly struck
them. They observed, that the children imperiously command their fathers
and mothers: but especially the latter, who never oppose their
inclinations; hence, doubtless comes that despotic spirit, which is carried
to the extreme; a refusal, or a delay, in the executions of their orders
irritates them, and their anger is so violent that in the first transport,
the unhappy slave who may have excited their fury, runs the risk of being
stabbed on the spot. Hence, too doubtless the manly boldness which
characterises them, and which seems to inspire those who surround them,
with respect and submission. The Moors are, in every respect, much superior
to the Negroes: braver than they are, they reduce them to slavery, and
employ them in the hardest labour; they are, in general, tall and well
made, and their faces are very handsome, and full of expression.

However, it may also be observed that the Moors of both sexes, appear at
the first sight, like a people composed of two distinct races, which have
nothing in common, except, the extremely brown, or tanned colour of their
skin, and the shining black of their hair. The greater part of them, it is
true, are endowed with the stature, and the noble, but austere features,
which call to mind some of the great Italian painters, but there are
several, (indeed the smaller number) whose cranium and profile form a
singular contrast with the others. Their head is remarkably elongated, the
ears small: the forehead, which, in the first, is very high and finely
formed, is contracted in the latter, and becomes at the top disagreeably
protuberant; their eyes are sunk, and placed as it were obliquely, which
gives them the savage look with which they are reproached, and their lower
jaw has a tendency to be elongated. Some of them have, it is true, the high
forehead of the former: but it always differs by being sunk in at the base.
These latter are, perhaps, the descendants of the aborigines of this
country, whose characteristic features are still discernible,
notwithstanding their alliance with so many strangers? History has, indeed,
transmitted to us some of the customs of the Numidians, who were by turns,
the enemies, and the allies of the Romans; but it has not condescended to
draw their portrait. Juvenal somewhere speaks of the withered hands of the
Moors: _manus ossea Mauri_. But, besides, that this is general in hot
countries, this description may be understood of ill-fed slaves.

The travellers remarked that there was no difference between the very
frugal diet of the slaves, who are all blacks, and that of their masters.
The fathers and mothers, as well as the marabous, (a kind of priests) pass
their leisure moments in teaching the principles of their religion, as well
as instructing them in reading and writing on the sand; the wives of King
Zaide, the number of whom is considerable, passively obey Fatima, who is
the favourite, or chief wife of the sovereign.

Our travellers estimated the number of men, women, children and slaves, at
seven or eight hundred persons; their flocks appeared to them very
numerous: they constitute part of the wealth of Zaide, who possesses a
great many besides, in different parts of the kingdom, the extent of which
is pretty considerable; it has about sixty leagues of coast, and stretches
to a great depth in the interior of the desert. The people, as we have
said, call themselves _Trasas_, and profess the Mahometan religion; they
hunt lions, tigers, leopards, and all other ferocious animals, which abound
in this part of Africa. Their commerce is in furs or skins, and ostrich
feathers: they manufacture the leather called basil, in french, basane,
which they prepare very well;[A11] they make this leather into pocketbooks,
to which they give different forms, but in general, that of a _sabretache_.
They also dress goats skins, and join several together to give them more
breadth; they are known under the name of _peaux de maures_, are excellent,
and afford a complete defence against the rain: in form, they nearly
resemble the dress of a Capuchin; they sell all these articles in the
interior, as well as goldsmiths work, which they manufacture with only a
hammer, and a little anvil; but their chief commerce, which is very
extensive, is in salt, which they carry to Tombuctoo, and to Sego, large
and very populous cities, situated in the interior of Africa. Sego is built
on both sides of the river Niger, and Tombuctoo not far from its banks, the
former about five hundred, and the latter about six hundred leagues East of
the Island of Goree. The Marabous, who are almost all traders, frequently
extend their journeys into Upper Egypt. The Moors and the Negroes, have an
extraordinary respect for these priests, who manufacture leather, into
little etuis, perfumed bags, and pocketbooks, to which they give the name
of _gris-gris_. By means of magic words spoken over the _gris-gris_, and
little notes written in Arabic, which they enclose in them, he who carries
such a one about him, is secure against the bite of wild beasts; they make
them to protect the wearer against lions, crocodiles, serpents, &c. They
sell them extremely dear, and those who possess them set a very high value
on them; the king and the princes are not less superstitious than those
whom they command. There are some who wear as many as twenty of these
_gris-gris_ fixed to the neck, the arms, and the legs.

After a day's stay, King Zaide arrived: he had no ornament which
distinguished him; but he was of a lofty stature, had an open countenance,
and three large teeth in the upper jaw, on the left side, which projected
at least two lines over the under lip, which the Moors consider as a great
beauty. He was armed with a large sabre, a poniard and a pair of pistols;
his soldiers had zagayes or lances, and little sabres in the Turkish
fashion. The King has always at his side, his favourite negro, who wears a
necklace of red pearls, and is called Billaï. Zaide received the two whites
kindly, ordered that they should be well-treated, and that Mr. Rogery
should not be molested, he being continually tormented by the children. Mr.
Kummer was much more lively, and did not mind his misfortunes; he wrote
Arabic, and had passed himself off for the son of a Mahometan woman; all
this greatly pleased the Moors, who treated him well; while Mr. Rogery,
deeply affected by his misfortunes, and having just lost his last
resources, did not much rely on the good faith of the Moors.

In the course of the day, the King ordered Mr. Kummer to relate to him the
events of the last French revolution; he was already acquainted with those
of the first. Mr. Kummer did not exactly comprehend what the king wanted of
him. Zaide ordered his chief minister, to draw upon the sand, the map of
Europe, the Mediteranean, and the coast of Africa, along that sea: he
pointed out to him the Isle of Elba, and ordered him to relate the
circumstances which had taken place in the invasion of 1815, from the
moment that Buonaparte left it. Mr. Kummer took advantage of this favorable
moment, to ask for his watch; and the King ordered his son to return it to
the _Toubabe_, who then commenced his narrative; and as in the course of it
he called the Ex-Emperor, sometimes Buonaparte, and sometimes Napoleon, a
Marabou, at the name of Buonaparte, interrupted him, and asked if he was
the general whose armies he had seen in Upper Egypt, when he was going on
his pilgrimage to Mecca, to which Mr. Kummer answering in the affirmative,
the king and his suite were quite delighted; they could not conceive how a
mere general of army had been able to raise himself to the rank of Emperor:
it seems that these people had, till then, believed that Napoleon and
Buonaparte were two different persons. Mr. Kummer was also asked if his
father belonged to the army of Egypt; he said no, but that he was a
peaceable merchant, who had never borne arms. Mr. Kummer continued his
narrative, and astonished more and more, the King of the Trasas, and all
his court. The next day, Zaide desired to see the two whites again, from
whom he always learnt something new. He sent away the Moors, his subjects,
who had brought Mr. Rogery, and ordered his son, Prince Muhammed,
accompanied by one of his ministers, two other Moors of his suite, and a
slave, to conduct the two whites to Andar. They had camels to carry them,
as well as their provisions. Zaide, before he dismissed them, made them
take some refreshments, gave them provisions, for a part of the journey,
and advised Mr. Kummer to entrust his watch to his son; because, by that
means, he would be secure from its being taken from him by the Moors; and
that it would be returned to him at Saint Louis. Mr. Kummer immediately
obeyed. The prince faithfully executed his father's orders.

Before the departure of the two Frenchmen, the King wished to shew them his
respect for the laws which govern his dominions; knowing that this quality
is that which nations always desire to find in those who govern them; he
therefore thought, with reason, that he could not give a higher idea of his
virtues, and show his character in a more honorable light, than by
convincing them that he was the protector and most faithful observer of the
laws: to prove it, he related the following anecdote:

"Two princes, my subjects, had had an affair, for a long time, in
litigation: to terminate it, they resolved to ask me to be arbitrator
between them; but the proposals which I made, though I thought them
reasonable, were not approved by them; so that after my proposals, a
violent quarrel arose between the two parties: a challenge ensued, and the
two princes left my tent to decide their cause by arms. In fact, they
fought in my presence; one of them, the weakest, who was my friend, was
thrown down by his adversary, who stabbed him immediately. I had the grief
to see my friend die, and notwithstanding all my power, it was impossible
for me, as our laws allow duelling, and on account of the respect which I
have for them, to avenge the death of the prince whom I esteemed. You may
judge, by this, how scrupulously I observe the laws by which I govern my
dominions, and which regulate the rights of the princes, as well as those
of the citizens, and of the slaves."

The third and fourth day, after they had quitted the camp of King Zaide,
our travellers were reposing as usual, till the greatest heat of the day
should be passed. During the repast, the minister, who had the contracts
between the Prince and the two Frenchmen, took from his great _gris-gris_,
or pocket book, that of Mr. Rogery, who snatched it from him, and tore it
into a thousand pieces; immediately one of the Moors rushed upon him,
seized him by the throat, with one hand threw him on the ground, and was
going to stab him with a dagger which he held in the other; happily, the
Prince, out of regard for Mr. Kummer, whom he particularly esteemed,
pardoned him who had dared, so seriously, to insult one of his ministers.
But, during the four or five days that the journey continued, they
incessantly tormented him; and did not give him a fourth part of what was
necessary for his support, so that the unfortunate man was frequently
obliged to gnaw the bones which the Moors had thrown away; they also forced
him to make the whole journey on foot; it was pretty long; for these
gentlemen, on their arrival at St. Louis, estimated it at a hundred and
forty leagues at the least, because the Moors made them go so much out of
their way.

The respectable Mr. Rogery, a man of rare probity, was disturbed by the
recollection of the agreement which he had made with Muhammed, in a moment
of difficulty, knowing very well that he could never fulfil it; he thought
his honor implicated, and strictly bound by this contract, though he had
destroyed it. This recollection, and his inability to pay, affected his
nerves; to this was added fear, lest the contract should be known to his
countrymen; and this was what induced him to that act of desperation which
had nearly cost him his life, and deprived humanity of one of the most
zealous partisans of liberty, and of the abolition of the slave trade.

On the 19th, in the morning, they arrived at a village situated on the bank
of one of the arms of Senegal, which is called _Marigot of the
Maringouins_, and which appears to have been the ancient mouth of the
river, when it flowed directly to the sea, before it turned aside and
flowed to the South. This position may one day become important, if
Senegambia should ever be colonised.

The gentlemen remarked, that the banks of this arm of the river, are very
well cultivated; the fields are covered with plantations of cotton-trees,
with maize[35] and millet; one meets, at intervals, with tufts of wood,
which render it agreeable and healthy. Mr. Kummer thinks that this country
could be adapted to the cultivation of colonial productions. Here begins
Nigritia, and one may say, the country of good people; for, from this
moment, the travellers were never again in want of food, and the negroes
gave them whatever they wanted.

In the first village, which is called Vu, they met with a good negress, who
offered them milk and cous-cous, (flour of millet). She was affected, and
shed tears when she saw the two unhappy whites almost naked, and
particularly when she learned that they were Frenchmen. She began by
praising our nation; it is the custom of these people; and then, she gave
them a short account of the misfortunes she had experienced. This good
negress had been made a slave by the Moors, who had torn her from the arms
of her mother; she consequently detested them, and called them the banditti
of the desert; she said to the two whites, in very good French: "are they
not very villainous people?" "Yes," answered our unhappy countrymen.
"Well," continued she, "these robbers carried me off, notwithstanding the
efforts of my unhappy father, who defended me with courage; they then
carried desolation into our village, which a moment before enjoyed
tranquillity and happiness; on this sad day we saw whole families carried
off, and we were all conducted to that horrible market at St. Louis, where
the whites carry on the execrable trade of dealers in men; chance favored
me, and saved me from being sent to find death in America, amidst the
tempests which cover the ocean that separates it from Africa. I had the
good fortune to fall into the hands of the respectable General
Blanchot,[37] whose name and memory will be ever dear to the inhabitants of
St. Louis. This worthy governor kept me some years in his service; but
seeing that I always thought of my country and my relations, and that, in
short, I could not habituate myself to your customs, he gave me my liberty,
and from that moment I have vowed eternal friendship to everything that
bears the French name." Our two whites were much affected by this
interesting meeting; from that moment they fancied themselves among their
own countrymen.

After some hours repose they continued their journey, and in fact, they had
every reason to praise the negroes, who did not let them want for anything.
In proportion, as they approached the town, the Moors became much more
civil, and when they were going to pass the river, to enter St. Louis,
Prince Muhammed returned Mr. Kummer his watch. The French governor received
the Prince and his suite, very well; he caused them to be paid about sixty
francs in two sous-pieces; this sum seemed enormous to them; for they were
extremely satisfied with it: this gives ground to suppose that they were
not acquainted with the value of the gourde, when they demanded eight
hundred for the ransom of each of the two travellers. It was on the 22nd of
July, that they arrived, after having wandered sixteen days in the burning
desert of Zaara, and having endured all the horrors of hunger and thirst,
particularly the unfortunate Mr. Rogery, who had to bear all the caprices
of the Moors.

All the shipwrecked persons who had escaped these disasters being assembled
at St. Louis, we thought we should immediately take possession of our
establishments. But the English governor, Mr. Beurthonne, having learned
our shipwreck, either of his own authority, or having received orders to
that effect, from his government, refused to give up the colony. This
difficulty obliged the commander of the French expedition to take measures,
to wait for fresh orders from France. He was enjoined to send away
immediately all the shipwrecked persons who arrived in the town of St.
Louis.

Every thing induces us to believe that the delay in the restitution of
these settlements depended on the English governor, who threw obstacles in
the way, whenever circumstances permitted him. He alledged at first, that
he had not received orders to give up the colony, and that besides he was
in want of vessels to remove his troops, and all the effects belonging to
his nation. This last allegation of wanting vessels is, of itself,
sufficient to shew, that he was not much inclined to retire from the Isle
of St. Louis; for the French governor, in order to remove all difficulties,
proposed the _Loire_ to serve as a transport, and this offer was refused.
We think we have guessed the cause of this delay in the restitution of the
colony, for two reasons, which seem to us the better founded, as they take
their origin in the British policy, which is constantly to follow no other
rule than its political or commercial interest. We give them, however, only
as suppositions; but these suppositions seem so well confirmed by the
events to which they relate, that we do not hesitate to lay them before our
readers.

We think then that Mr. Beurthonne had received orders to give up the
Islands of St. Louis and Goree, to the French squadron, which should come
to take possession of them; but we think also, that he was desired to
evacuate them as late as possible, in case the English merchants or
government could derive any advantage from a delay.

In fact, if Mr. Beurthonne had not received any instructions to deliver up
the colony, it was certainly, useless to alledge that he was in want of
vessels. To the desires of the French governor, he had only to make the
plain and unanswerable objection, that his government had not given him any
orders. It is therefore, by the kind of vacillation which appears in his
answers, that himself, leads us to the opinion which we have formed. But it
will be said, what advantage could the English government derive from this
delay? The following, is what we conjecture on this subject.

The gum trade was on the point of commencing; it was very just that the
English merchants, who were in Senegal, should carry off this crop, which
would have belonged to the French merchants if the colony, had been
restored.

A second motive, not less powerful, is, that we were just at the entrance
of the bad season, and that the English settlements, on the river Gambia,
(to which, a part of the English, garrison were to go) are extremely
unhealthy: diseases that are almost always mortal, prevail during the
winter-season, and generally carry off two thirds of the Europeans, who are
newly arrived. Every year the mortality is the same; because, every year it
is necessary to send fresh garrisons: those who have the good fortune to
resist these terrible epidemics, come, to recover, to the Isle of Goree,
where the air is salubrious. Such are the reasons which, as we think,
caused the delay in the restitution of our settlements on the coast of
Africa.

Without losing ourselves farther in conjectures, we will conclude with one
remark: namely, them on this occasion the English governor was influenced
more by the usual policy of his government than by local and particular
considerations. Let us remember what passed on the restitution of our
colonies at the peace of 1802 and that of 1814; and it will be seen that
the British Government, without giving itself much trouble to assign
reasons, has adopted and faithfully followed the principle, of not
willingly giving up what it possessed.[38]

The shipwreck of the Medusa favoured the designs of the governor; for, what
sensation could be produced by the arrival of an expedition, of which the
principal vessel no longer existed, and the three others appeared one after
the other? If the English had had the intention to restore the colony on
our arrival, the disorder in which we appeared, would alone have sufficed;
to make them conceive the idea of delaying as much as possible to withdraw
from the Island of St. Louis. But what we cannot conceive is, that the
governor, after giving the French a good reception for some days, should
have required their troops to be sent away from the colony: and what were
these troops? wretches almost naked, worn out by the long fatigues and
privations which they had had to bear in the deserts; they were almost all
without arms. Did he fear the spirit of the colonists, and even that of the
negroes, which was not in his favor, and who saw with the greatest pleasure
the arrival of the French? This is not at all probable.

All the shipwrecked persons being assembled at St. Louis, as we have
already said, the governor, two days before his departure for Cape Verd,
thought of sending a vessel on board the Medusa, to look for a sum of
100,000 francs,[39] which was intended to form the treasure of the colony,
as well as provisions, which were in abundance on board, and of which there
was some scarcity in the colony. Very little was said about the men, who
had remained on board, and to whom their companions had solemnly promised
to send for them as soon as they should arrive at St. Louis; but these
unfortunate men were already hardly thought of any more. Mr. Corréard says
that the first day that he took a walk in the town, he went to pay a visit
to the family of the governor. During the conversation, the vessel was
mentioned, that was going to be sent to the Medusa, as also the possibility
of recovering the 100,000 francs, provisions, and effects. Seeing that they
said nothing of the seventeen men who had remained on board the frigate, he
said, "but a more precious object, of which nothing is said, is the
seventeen poor men who were left!" "Pooh," answered somebody, "seventeen!
there are not three left." "And if there remained but three, but one,"
replied he, "yet, his life is more valuable than all that can be recovered
from the frigate;" and left the company in anger.

When in the first part of this work, we represented Mrs. and Miss Schmalz,
as alone unmoved when the frigate ran aground; and seeming to rise above
the general consternation, our readers may have given them credit for
uncommon greatness of soul, and more than manly courage. Why are we obliged
to destroy this honorable illusion which we may have caused? Why, when
these ladies, have carried indifference so far as to dispense themselves
from the most common duties of humanity, by refraining from paying the
smallest visit to the poor wretches, placed in the hospital at St. Louis,
have they themselves discovered to, us that their composure on board the
frigate was nothing but profound insensibility?

We could, however, if not excuse, at least explain this last mark of their
hard-heartedness: what sight, in fact, awaited them in this melancholy
abode, on the new theatre, where the sad victims of a first act of
inhumanity, had to struggle with the fresh miseries prepared for them by
the indifference, the inattention of their fellow-creatures? The sight of
men, who all bore in their hearts, the remembrance of the faults, of a
husband, of a father, could not be an object which they would be desirous
of seeking, or meeting with; and in this point of view, the care, which
they took to avoid the hospital, seems to us almost pardonable. But what is
not, what cannot be excused, what we have not learned without the greatest
surprise is, that Miss Schmalz, judging of us doubtless, after a manner of
thinking which was not ours, and not supposing it possible that the faults
of her father, and the inhuman conduct of herself and her mother, should
not be one day known in France, should have hastened to anticipate this
publication, by writing to her friends at Paris, a letter justifying her
relations with the shipwrecked persons belonging to the raft, and trying to
devote these unfortunate men to public hatred and contempt. In this
singular letter, which has been circulated in Paris, she confessed that the
sight of the shipwrecked persons inspired her with a degree of horror,
which she could not suppress. "It was really impossible for me," said she,
"to endure the presence of these men, without feeling a sentiment of
indignation."

What then was our crime in the eyes of Miss Schmalz? Doubtless that of
knowing too well the persons really guilty of our misfortunes. Yes, on this
account, whenever Miss Schmalz saw us, which was extremely seldom, our
presence must have been a thunder-bolt to her. She could say to herself,
"these men have in their hands the fate of my father. If they speak, if
they utter complaints which they suppress here, if they are listened to,
(and how should they not be listened to in a country, where a charter, the
noble present of our august Monarch, causes justice and the law to reign,)
instead of being the daughter of a governor, I am but a wretched orphan;
instead of these honors, with which it gives me so much pleasure to be
surrounded, I fall into the degradation, and the oblivion which generally
await the unhappy family of a great criminal."

It is certain that, if we had listened to our griefs, if we had called to
legal account, the authors of our misfortunes, it is difficult to believe
that they would have escaped the inflexible rigour of justice. But we have
been generous, and it is we who are oppressed! Thus, as the historians of
the human heart, have but too often observed, "_It is more easy to pardon
the injury we have received, than that we have inflicted_."

The little vessel chosen to go to the frigate, was a schooner, commanded by
a lieutenant of the navy; the crew was composed of some black-drivers, and
some passengers. It sailed from St. Louis, on the 26th, of July, and had on
board, provisions for eight days: so that having met with contrary winds,
it was obliged to return to port, after having, in vain, endeavoured for
seven or eight days, to get to the Medusa.

This schooner sailed again after having taken in provisions for about
twenty-five days; but, as the sails were in a very bad condition, and the
owner would not change them, till they were wholly unfit for service, she
was obliged to sail again, with a few repairs only. Having experienced at
sea, a pretty heavy gale, the sails were almost entirely destroyed, and she
was obliged to return to port after having been a fortnight at sea, without
having been able to accomplish her purpose. She was then furnished with new
sails, which cost about ten days labour. As soon as she was ready, they
sailed for the third time, and reached the Medusa, fifty-two days, after
she had been abandoned.

A very obvious reflection here presents itself to the most inattentive
mind: it is certain, that the reader must presume, that this was the only
schooner in the colony; it is our duty to undeceive him: many other
merchants offered their vessels; but their offers were declined. The
governor liked better to treat with a single house, than to have accounts
to regulate with a part of the merchants of the colony; who, however, were
ready to place at his disposal, every thing in their power. Mr. Durecur was
the merchant favored. This house carries on the whole trade of Senegal; its
firm has taken place of the African company. He made the governor large
advances, both of provisions and money, which amounted to 50,000 francs; he
had continually, at his house, Mr. Schmalz, his family and a numerous
suite. The general opinion was that, Mr. Durecur had got by his acts of
generosity, a decent profit of a hundred per cent; he was, besides,
recompenced, on the application of the governor, by that decoration, which
it seems, ought to be conferred for some brilliant action,[40] and not for
a very profitable commercial transaction; but let us return to our
schooner. What was the astonishment of those on board her, at still finding
in the Medusa, three unfortunate men on the point of expiring! Most
certainly, they were very far from expecting this meeting; but as we have
said, 17 were abandoned. What became of the 14 others? We will try to
relate the story of their unhappy fate.

As soon as the boats and the raft had left the frigate, these 17 men
endeavoured to subsist till assistance should be sent them. They searched
wherever the water had not penetrated, and succeeded in collecting
sufficient biscuit, wine, brandy, and bacon, to enable them to subsist for
some time. As long as their provision lasted, tranquillity prevailed among
them: but forty-two days passed without their receiving the assistance
which had been promised them; when twelve of the most resolute, seeing that
they were on the point of being destitute of everything, determined to get
to the land. To attain their object, they formed a raft with the pieces of
timber which remained on board of the frigate, the whole bound together
like the first, with strong ropes: they embarked upon it, and directed
their course towards the land; but how could they steer on a machine, that
was doubtless destitute of oars and the necessary sails. It is certain that
these poor men, who had taken with them but a very small stock of
provisions, could not hold out long, and that, overcome by despair and
want, they have been the victims of their rashness. That such was the
result of their fatal attempt, was proved by the remains of their raft,
which were found on the coast of the desert of Zaara, by some Moors,
subjects of King Zaide, who came to Andar to give the information. These
unhappy men were doubtless the prey of the sea-monsters which are found in
great numbers on the coasts of Africa.

Unhappy victims we deplore the rigour of your lot: like us, you have been
exposed to the most dreadful torments: like us abandoned upon a raft, you
have had to struggle with those pressing wants which man cannot subdue,
hunger and thirst carried to the extreme! Our imagination carries us to
your fatal machine; we see your despair, your rage; we appreciate the whole
extent of your sufferings, and your misfortunes draw forth our tears. It is
then true that misfortune strikes more forcibly him who has had already to
struggle with adversity! The happy man scarcely believes in misfortune, and
often accuses him whose distresses he has caused.

A sailor who had refused to embark upon the raft, attempted also to reach
the shore some days after the first; he put himself on a chicken coop, but
he sunk within half a cable's length of the frigate.

Four men resolved not to leave the Medusa, alledging that they preferred
dying on board, to braving new dangers which it seemed impossible for them
to surmount. One of the four had just died when the schooner arrived, his
body had been thrown into the sea: the three others were very weak; two
days later they would have been no more. These unhappy men occupied each a
separate place, and never left it but to fetch provisions, which in the
last days consisted only of a little brandy, tallow, and salt pork. When
they met, they ran upon each other brandishing their knifes. As long as the
wine had lasted with the other provisions, they had kept up their strength
perfectly well; but as soon as they had only brandy to drink they grew
weaker every day.[41]

Every care was bestowed on these three men that their situation demanded,
and all three are now in perfect health.

After having given the necessary succours to the three men of whom we have
just spoken, they proceeded to get out of the frigate, every thing that
could be removed; they cut a large hole in her, (_on la saborda_,) and were
thus able to save wine, flour, and many other things. Mr. Corréa had the
simplicity to think that the shipwrecked people were going to recover a
part, at least, of their effects, since a vessel, belonging to the king,
had reached the frigate. But far from it! Those who were on board declared
themselves corsairs, and pillaged, as we may say, all the effects which
they could get at. One of them Mr. ------, carried off several
portmanteaus, and four hammocks, full of all kind of articles, the whole
for his own use.

The schooner having quite completed its cargo, and all attempts to recover
the 100,000 francs, of which we have spoken, being fruitless, returned to
Senegal. We saw this little vessel arrive, and our hearts beat with joy; we
thought we should see again our unfortunate companions, who had been
abandoned on board the frigate, and recover some clothes, of which we were
in much need. The schooner passed the bar, and in an hour or two had
traversed the space which separated it from us. In an instant we ran to the
port, and enquired if any of our unfortunate countrymen had been saved. We
were answered, three are still living, and fourteen have died since our
departure: this answer confounded us. We then asked if it had been possible
to save any of our effects; and were answered, _yes_, but that they were a
_good prize_; we could not understand this answer, but it was repeated to
us, and we learnt for the first time that we were at war with Frenchmen,
because we had been excessively unfortunate.

The next day the town was transformed into a public fair, which lasted at
least a week. There were sold effects belonging to the State, and those of
the unhappy crew who had perished; here, the clothes of those who were
still living, a little further was the furniture of the captain's cabin: in
another place were the signal flags, which the negroes were buying to make
themselves aprons and cloaks; at one place they sold the tackling and sails
of the frigate, at another bed-linen, frames, hammocks, quilts, books,
instruments, &c. &c.

But there is one thing that is sacred, respected by every man who serves
with honor, the rallying sign under which he ought to find victory or
death, the flag; what it will be asked became of it?... It was saved ...
Did it fall; into the hands of a Frenchman?... No! he who debases a
respectable sign, which represents a nation, cannot belong to that nation.
Well! this sign was employed in domestic uses.[42] Vases which belonged to
the captain of the frigate himself, were also saved, and were transferred
from his side-board to the table of the Governor, where Mr. de Chaumareys
recognized them, and it is from him we have received these details. It is
true that the ladies of the Governor had received them, as a present, from
those who went on board the schooner.

Nothing was now seen in the town but negroes dressed, some in jackets and
pantaloons, some in large grey great coats; others had shirts, waistcoats,
_police-bonnets_, &c. every thing, in short, presented the image of
disorder and confusion. Such was a part of the mission of the schooner: the
provisions, which it brought, were of the greatest choice to the French
Governor, who began to be in want of them.

Some days after, the Merchants of St. Louis, were authorized to go on board
the Medusa with their vessels, on the following conditions: they were to
equip the vessels at their own expence, and all the effects which they
could save out of the frigate were to be divided into two equal parts, one
for the government, the other for the owners of the vessels. Four schooners
sailed from St. Louis, and in a few days reached their destination: they
brought back to the colony a great quantity of barrels of flour, salt,
meat, wine, brandy, cordage, sails, &c. &c. This expedition was terminated
in less than twenty days. As the schooners arrived in the Senegal, the
proper way would have been to unload them, and deposit the things saved, in
a magazine, till the arrival of the French Governor, who was absent; it
appears to us, that, in making the division, his presence, or that of some
other competent authority was necessary. But whether the ship-owners, would
not wait for the return of the Governor, or whether they were in haste to
possess their share of the cargo, they went to Mr. Potin Agent, or Partner
of the house of Durecur, and begged him to divide the articles saved from
the frigate. We are ignorant whether Mr. Potin was authorized to make this
division; but whether he was authorised or not, we think he could not make
it, without the co-operation of one or more officers of the administration,
since he was himself one of the ship-owners. It would have been the more
easy to have this division superintended by an officer of the government,
as there were then three or four at St. Louis; among whom were the
secretary and the paymaster. Yet neither of them was called in to be
present at these operations, though they lasted some days. However, those
to whom the vessels belonged, shewed themselves much more generous to the
shipwrecked people, than those who went on board the frigate, with the
first schooner: the few books and effects which they had been able to save
were restored to such of the crew as claimed them.

A short time after these depredations were ended, some French officers and
soldiers, belonging as well to the land as the sea-service, and who were
still at St. Louis, received orders from the English Governor to go
immediately to the camp of Daccard: it was about the first of October. At
this time Mr. Corréard remained the only Frenchman in the hospital at St.
Louis, till he should be entirely recovered. We are entirely ignorant of
the reasons which induced this Governor to employ such severe measures
towards about twenty unhappy persons, among whom three officers had been
part of the crew of the fatal raft. He however, allowed the civil officers
to remain in the city.

Let us take a rapid survey of the new misfortunes which overtook some of
the unfortunate persons who escaped from the raft and the desert, and
remained plunged in a horrid hospital without assistance, and without
consolation, before we proceed to the history of the camp at Daccard, which
will terminate this account. Our readers will remember that it was on the
23d of July, that the men, who escaped from the raft, were united to the
sixty-three landed by the long boat, near the Moles of Angel.

Mr. Coudin, commander of the raft, and Mr. Savigny, were received at
Senegal by Mr. Lasalle, a French Merchant, who, on all occasions, bestowed
on them the most generous care, which spared them the new sufferings, to
which their companions in misfortune were exposed, and gives Mr. Lasalle a
title to their lasting gratitude.

As for Mr. Corréard, as soon as he was at the isle of St. Louis, he and
some others of our companions covered with wounds, and almost without life,
were laid upon truck-beds, which, instead of mattresses, had only blankets
doubled in four, with sheets disgustingly dirty; the four officers of the
troops were also placed in one of the rooms of the hospital, and the
soldiers and sailors in another room, near the first, and lying in the same
manner as the officers. The evening of their arrival, the Governor,
accompanied by the captain of the frigate, and by a numerous suite, came to
pay them a visit: the air of compassion, with which he addressed them, much
affected them; in this first moment, they were promised a guinea, linen to
clothe them, wine to restore their strength, and ammunition to amuse them
when they should be able to go out. Vain promises! It is to the compassion
of strangers, alone, that they were indebted for their existence for five
months. The Governor announced his departure for the camp at Duccard,
saying to these poor men who were left behind, that he had given orders
that they should want for nothing during his absence. All the French, able
to embark, departed with the Governor.

Left to themselves in the horrid abode which they inhabited, surrounded
with men in whom their cruel situation inspired no pity, our countrymen
again abandoned, gave vent to their distress in useless complaints. In vain
they represented to the English physician that the ordinary ration of a
common soldier, which had been hitherto given them, was wholly unfit for
them, first, because their health required, if it was indeed wished to
recover them, better nourishment than is given to a soldier in good health
in his barracks: that, besides, officers enjoyed in all countries some
preference, and that, in consequence, he was requested to have regard to
the just desires of the sick.

The doctor was inexorable: he answered that he had received no orders and
that he should make no change. They then addressed their complaints to the
English Governor, who was equally insensible. It is, however, probable that
the French Governor, before his departure, had requested this officer to
afford all the assistance which the situation of those whom he left
required, under the protection of his generosity. If this request was made
it must be allowed that this Mr. Beurthonne has a heart but little
accessible to sentiments of humanity.

What a contrast between the conduct of this Lieutenant-Colonel, and that of
the other officers of his nation, belonging to the expedition for exploring
the interior of Africa, with whom the officers of the garrison joined. It
is to their generous efforts that the officers saved from the raft, owed
assistance and perhaps life. It is not, in fact, rare to see the same
circumstances give rise to the same observation. On occasions of this kind,
a great number of private Englishmen excite astonishment by the excess of
their generosity to their enemies, while on the other hand the agents of
the government, and individuals, who doubtless believe that they enter into
its views, seem to glory in a conduct diametrically opposite.

These gentlemen, some days after the arrival of our unfortunate comrades,
having been informed of their melancholy situation, came to the hospital
and took away with them the four officers who were already able to go out;
they invited them to share their repast with them, till the colony should
be given up.[43] Forty days had passed, since the compassionate English had
come to the relief of these four companions in misfortune, without the
distressed Corréard's having personally felt the effects of their kindness.
His health was greatly impaired, in consequence of the unheard-of
sufferings which he had experienced on the raft; his wounds gave him great
pain, and he was obliged to remain in the infirmary: add to this the
absolute want of clothes, having nothing to cover him except the sheet of
his bed, in which he wrapped himself up. Since the departure of the
governor, he had heard nothing of the French, which made him very uneasy,
and doubled his desire to join his countrymen, hoping to find from them,
consolation and relief; for he had friends among the officers and
passengers who were at the Camp of Deccard. He was in this temper of mind,
and in the melancholy situation which we have just described, reduced to
the ration of a common soldier, during the forty days which had just
elapsed, when he caused the captain of an American merchant vessel to be
asked whether he would do him the pleasure to take him to Cape Verd, to
which place he was to go; the answer was affirmative, and the departure
fixed for two days after. In this interval, Mr. Kummer, the naturalist,
happened to express, in the presence of Major Peddy, commander in chief of
the English expedition for the interior of Africa, the fears which he felt
at the departure of his friend, alledging that he was very uneasy
respecting the effects of the bad air of the camp of Deccard, on a
constitution so shaken as that of Mr. Corréard. Scarcely had the sensible
Mr. Kummer ceased speaking, when Major Peddy hastily went away, returned to
his apartment, and immediately got ready linen, clothes and money, and
while he was thus employed, this genuine philanthropist shed tears at the
fate of the unhappy man, whom he did not know, cursing those who had
cruelly abandoned him. His indignation was excited, because he had been
assured that ever since the departure of the French governor, Mr. Corréard
had heard nothing farther, either of him, or of his countrymen. Respectable
Major! worthy friend of humanity! in departing for the interior of Africa,
you have carried with you the regret and the gratitude of a heart, on which
your noble beneficence is indelibly engraven.

While this unexpected relief was preparing Mr. Corréard, seated at the foot
of his truck bed, was overwhelmed by the thoughts of his wretchedness, and
plunged in the most heart-rending reflections. All that he saw affected him
still more deeply, than the dreadful scenes which had passed upon the raft.
"In the very heat of battle," said he, "the pain of my wounds was not
accompanied by the gloomy despondency which now depresses me, and by a
slow, but sure progress, is conducting me to death. Only two months ago, I
was strong, intrepid, capable of braving every fatigue: now, confined to
this horrid abode, my courage is vanished, every thing forsakes me. I have,
in vain, asked some assistance of those who have come to see me, not from
humanity, but from unfeeling curiosity: thus, people went to Liege to see
the brave Goffin, after he had extricated himself by his courage, from the
coal-pit which had fallen in and buried him. But he, happier than I, was
rewarded with the cross of the legion of honour, and a pension which
enabled him to subsist.[44] If I were in France," he continued, "my
relations, my countrymen, would mitigate my sufferings; but here, under a
burning climate, where every thing is strange to me, surrounded by these
Africans, who are hardened by the habitual sight of the horrors produced by
the slave trade, nothing relieves me; on the contrary, the length of the
nights, the continuance of my sufferings, the sight of those of my
companions in misfortune, the disgusting filth by which I am surrounded,
the inattention of a soldier who acts as nurse, and is always drunk or
negligent, the insupportable hardness of a wretched bed, scarcely sheltered
from the inclemency of the air, all announce to me an inevitable death. I
must resign myself to it, and await it with courage! I was less to be
pitied on the raft; then my imagination was exalted, and I scarcely enjoyed
my intellectual faculties! but here, I am only an ordinary man, with all
the weaknesses of humanity. My mind is continually absorbed in melancholy
reflections; my soul sinks under incessant sufferings, and I daily see
those who shared my unhappy fate, drop before me into the grave.[45]"

While he was wholly absorbed in this distressing soliloquy, he saw two
young officers enter the room, followed by three or four slaves, carrying