personal taste with me, as I might not like your--well, your moustache."
"I see no reason, Madam, why you should come in contact with either."

My talk with Bonar Law: He was disposed to believe that if England had
declared at once that she would go to war with Germany if France was
attacked, there would have been no war. Well, would English opinion,
before Belgium was attacked, have supported a government which made such
a declaration?

Mr. Bonar Law thinks that President Wilson ought to have protested about
Belgium.

He didn't agree with me that much good human material goes to waste in
this Kingdom for lack of opportunity. (That's the Conservative in him.)


_Friday, April 30, 1915._

Sir Edward Grey came to tea to talk with Mr. House and me--little talk
of the main subject (peace), which is not yet ripe by a great deal. Sir
Edward said the Germans had poisoned wells in South Africa. They have
lately used deadly gases in France. The key to their mind says Sir
Edward, is this--they attribute to other folk what they are thinking of
doing themselves.

While Sir Edward was here John Sargent came in and brought Katharine the
charcoal portrait of her that he had made--his present to her for her
and Chud to give to W.A.W.P.[81] and me. A very graceful and beautiful
thing for him to do.


_April 30, 1915._

Concerning Peace: The German civil authorities want peace and so does
one faction of the military party. But how can they save their face?
They have made their people believe that they are at once the persecuted
and the victorious. If they stop, how can they explain their stopping?
The people might rend them. The ingenious loophole discovered by House
is--mere moonshine, viz., the freedom of the seas in war. That is a
one-sided proposition unless they couple with it the freedom of the land
in war also, which is nonsense. Nothing can be done, then, until some
unfavourable military event brings a new mind to the Germans. Peace
talk, therefore, is yet mere moonshine. House has been to Berlin, from
London, thence to Paris, then back to London again--from Nowhere (as far
as peace is concerned) to Nowhere again.


_May 3, 1915._

Why doesn't the President make himself more accessible? Dismiss X and
get a bigger man? Take his cabinet members really into his confidence?
Everybody who comes here makes these complaints of him!

We dined to-night at Y's. Professor M. was there, etc. He says we've got
to have polygamy in Europe after the war to keep the race up.


_Friday, May 21, 1915._

Last night the Italian Parliament voted to give the Government
war-powers; and this means immediate war on the side of the Allies.
There are now eight nations fighting against Germany, Austria, and
Turkey; viz., Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Japan, Belgium,
Serbia, Montenegro. And it looks much as if the United States will be
forced in by Germany.

The British Government is wrestling with a very grave internal
disruption--to make a Coalition Government. The only portfolios that
seem absolutely secure are the Prime Minister's and the Foreign
Secretary's (Sir Edward Grey's)--for which latter, many thanks. The
two-fold trouble is--(1) a difference between Churchill (First Lord of
the Admiralty) and Lord Fisher--about the Dardanelles campaign and (I
dare say) other things, and (2) Lord Kitchener's failure to secure
ammunition--"to organize the industries of the Kingdom." Some even
declare K. of K. (they now say Kitchener of Kaos) is a general colossal
failure. But the prevailing opinion is that his raising of the new army
has been good work but that he has failed with the task of procuring
munitions. As for Churchill, he's too restless and erratic and
dictatorial and fussy and he runs about too much. I talked with him at
dinner last night at his mother's. He slips far down in his chair and
swears and be-dams and by-Gods his assertions. But his energy does
interest one. An impromptu meeting in the Stock Exchange to-day voted
confidence in K. of K. and burned up a copy of the _Daily Mail_, which
this morning had a severe editorial about him.

Washington, having sent a severe note to Germany, is now upbraided for
not sending another to England, to match and pair it. That's largely
German influence, but also the Chicago packers and the cotton men. These
latter have easy grievances, like the Irish. The delays of the British
Government are exasperating, but they are really not so bad now as they
have been. Still, the President can be influenced by the criticism that
he must hit one side every time he hits the other, else he's not
neutral! I am working by every device to help the situation and to
prevent another note. I proposed to-day to Sir Edward Grey that his
Government make an immediate advance payment on the cotton that it
proposes to buy.

Unless Joffre be a man of genius--of which there are some
indications--and unless French also possibly have some claim to this
distinction and _perhaps_ the Grand Duke Nikolas, there doesn't yet seem
to be a great man brought forth by the war. In civil life, Sir Edward
Grey comes to a high measure. As we yet see it from this English corner
of the world, no other statesman now ranks with him.


_March 20, 1916._

I am sure I have the best secret service that could be got by any
neutral. I am often amazed at its efficiency. It is good because it is
not a secret--certainly not a spy service at all. It is all aboveboard
and it is all done by men of high honour and good character--I mean the
Embassy staff. Counting the attachés there are about twenty good men,
every one of whom moves in a somewhat different circle from any other
one. Every one cultivates his group of English folk, in and out of
official life, and his group in the diplomatic corps. There isn't a week
but every man of them sees his particular sources of information--at
their offices, at the Embassy, at luncheon, at dinner, at the
clubs--everywhere. We all take every possible occasion to serve our
friends and they serve us. The result is, I verily believe, that we hear
more than any other group in London. These young fellows are all keen as
razors. They know when to be silent, too; and they are trusted as they
deserve to be. Of course I see them, singly or in pairs, every day in
the regular conduct of the work of the Embassy; and once a week we all
meet together and go over everything that properly comes before so large
a "cabinet" meeting. Thus some of us are on confidential terms with
somebody in every department of the Government, with somebody in every
other Embassy and Legation, with all the newspapers and
correspondents--even with the censors. And the wives of those that are
married are abler than their husbands. They are most attractive young
women--welcome everywhere--and indefatigable. Mrs. Page has them spend
one afternoon a week with her, rolling bandages; and that regular
meeting always yields something else. They come to my house Thursday
afternoons, too, when people always drop in to tea-visitors from other
countries, resident Americans, English--everybody--Sometimes one
hundred.

Nobody in this company is a "Spy"--God forbid! I know no more honourable
or attractive group of ladies and gentlemen. Yet can conceive of no
organization of spies who could find out as many things. And the loyalty
of them all! Somebody now and then prefaces a revelation with the
declaration, "This is in strict confidence--absolutely nobody is to hear
it." The answer is--"Yes, only, you know, I have no secrets from the
Ambassador: no member of his staff can ever have."--Of course, we get
some fun along with our tragedies. If I can find time, for instance, I
am going to write out for House's amusement a verbatim report of every
conversation that he held in London. It has all come to me--from what he
said to the King down; and it all tallies with what House himself told
me. He went over it all himself to me the other day at luncheon.--I not
only believe--I am sure--that in this way I do get a correct judgment
of public feeling and public opinion, from Cabinet Ministers to
stock-brokers.


_December 11, 1916._

The new Government is quite as friendly to us in its intentions as the
old, and much more energetic. The old Government was a spent force. Mr.
Balfour is an agreeable man to deal with, with a will to keep our
sympathy, unless the dire need of ships forces him to unpleasantness.
The Prime Minister is--American in his ways. Lord Robert has the old
Cecil in him, and he's going to maintain the blockade at any cost that
he can justify to himself and to public opinion, and the public opinion
is with him. They are all eager to have American approval--much more
eager, I think, than a large section of public opinion, which has almost
ceased to care what Americans think or do. The more we talk about peace,
the more they think about war. There is no vindictiveness in the
English. They do not care to do hurt to the German people: they regard
them as misguided and misled. But no power on earth can stop the British
till the German military caste is broken--that leadership which attacked
Belgium and France and would destroy England. Balfour, Lloyd George, the
people, the army and the navy are at one in this matter, every labouring
man, everybody, except a little handful of Quakers and professors and
Noel Buxton. I think I know and see all the peace men. They feel that
they can talk to me with safety. They send me their pamphlets and
documents. I think that all of them have now become warlike but three,
and one of them is a woman. If you meet a woman you know on the street
and express a sympathy on the loss of her second son, she will say to
you, "Yes, he died in defence of his country. My third son will go next
week. They all die to save us." Doubtless she sheds tears in private.
But her eyes are dry in public. She has discarded her luxuries to put
money in the war loan. Say "Peace" to her? She would insult you.


_May 10, 1917._

We dined at Lambeth Palace. There was Lord Morley, whom I had not seen
since his long illness--much reduced in flesh, and quite feeble and
old-looking. But his mind and speech were most alert. He spoke of Cobden
favouring the Confederate States because the constitution of the
Confederacy provided for free trade. But one day Bright informed Cobden
that he was making the mistake of his life. Thereafter Cobden came over
to the Union side. This, Morley heard direct from Bright.

The Archbishop spoke in high praise of Charnwood's Lincoln--was
surprised at its excellence, etc. Geoffrey Robinson[82] asked who wrote
the _Quarterly_ articles in favour of the Confederacy all through the
war--was it Lord Salisbury? Nobody knew.

The widow of the former Archbishop Benson was there--the mother of all
the Bensons, Hugh, A.C., etc., etc.--a remarkable old lady, who talked
much in admiration of Balfour.

The Bishop of--Winchester(?)--was curious to know whether the people in
the United States really understood the Irish question--the two-nation,
two-religion aspect of the case. I had to say no!

There is an orphan asylum founded by some preceding Archbishop, by the
sea. The danger of bombardment raised the question of safety. The
Archbishop ordered all the children (40) to be sent to Lambeth Palace.
We dined in a small dining room: "The children," Mrs. Davidson
explained, "have the big dining room." Each child has a lady as
patroness or protector who "adopts" her, i.e., sees that she is looked
after, etc. Some of the ladies who now do this were themselves orphans!

At prayers as usual at 10 o'clock in the chapel where prayers have been
held every night--for how many centuries?

At lunch to-day at Mr. Asquith's--Lord Lansdowne there; took much
interest in the Knapp farm work while I briefly explained.

Lord Morley said to Mrs. Page he had become almost a Tolstoyan--Human
progress hasn't done much for mankind's happiness, etc. Look at the
war--by a "progressive" nation. Now the mistake here is horn of a
class-society, a society that rests on privilege. "Progress," has done
everything (1) in liberating men's minds and spirits in the United
States. This is the real gain; (2) in arraying all the world _against_
Germany.


_Tuesday, January 22, 1918._

Some days bring a bunch of interesting things or men. Then there
sometimes come relatively dull days--not often, however. To-day came:

General Tasker H. Bliss, Chief-of-Staff, now 64--the wisest (so I judge)
of our military men, a rather wonderful old chap. He's on his way to
Paris as a member of the Supreme War Council at Versailles. The big
question he has struck is: Shall American troops be put into the British
and French lines, in small groups, to fill up the gaps in those armies?
The British have persuaded him that it is a military necessity. If it
were less than a necessity, it would, of course, be wrong--i.e., it
would cut across our national pride, force our men under another flag,
etc. It is not proposed to deprive Pershing of his command nor even of
his army. The plan is to bring over troops that would not otherwise now
come and to lend these to the British and French armies, and to let
Pershing go on with his army as if this hadn't been done. Bliss is
inclined to grant this request on condition the British bring these men
over, equip and feed them, etc. He came in to ask me to send a telegram
for him to-morrow to the President, making this recommendation. But on
reflection he decided to wait till he had seen and heard the French
also, who desire the same thing as the British.

General Bliss is staying with Major Warburton; and Warburton gave me
some interesting glimpses of him. A telegram came for the General.
Warburton thought that he was out of the house and he decided to take it
himself to the General's room. He opened the door. There sat the General
by the fire talking to himself, wrapped in thought. Warburton walked to
the middle of the room. The old man didn't see him. He decided not to
disturb him, for he was rehearsing what he proposed to say to the
Secretary of State for War or to the Prime Minister--getting his ears as
well as his mind used to it. Warburton put the telegram on the table
near the General, went out, and wasn't discovered.

Several nights, he sat by the fire with Warburton and began to talk,
again rehearsing to himself some important conclusions that he had
reached. Every once in a while he'd look up at Warburton and say: "Now,
what do you think of that?"

That's an amazing good way to get your thought clear and your plans well
laid out. I've done it myself.

I went home and Kipling and Carrie[83] were at lunch with us. Kipling
said: "I'll tell you, your coming into the war made a new earth for me."
He is on a committee to see that British graves are properly marked and
he talked much about it. I could not help thinking that in the back of
his mind there was all the time thought of his own dead boy, John.

Then in the afternoon Major Drain brought the copy of a contract between
the United States Government and the British to build together 1500
tanks ($7,500,000). We took it to the Foreign Office and Mr. Balfour and
I signed it. Drain thinks that the tanks are capable of much development
and he wishes our army after the war to keep on studying and
experimenting with and improving such machines of destruction. Nobody
knows what may come of it.

Then I dined at W.W. Astor's (Jr.) There were Balfour, Lord Salisbury,
General and Lady Robertson, Mrs. Lyttleton and Philip Kerr.

During the afternoon Captain Amundsen, Arctic explorer came in, on his
way from Norway to France as the guest of our Government, whereafter he
will go to the United States and talk to Scandinavian people there.

That's a pretty good kind of a full day.


_April, 19, 1918._

Bell[84], and Mrs. Bell during the air raid took their little girl
(Evangeline, aged three) to the cellar. They told her they went to the
cellar to hear the big fire crackers. After a bomb fell that shook all
Chelsea, Evangeline clapped her hands in glee. "Oh, mummy, what a _big_
fire cracker!"

FOOTNOTES:


[Footnote 79: Colonel (now Major General) George O. Squier, Military
Attaché at the American Embassy.]

[Footnote 80: The wedding of Mr. Page's daughter at the Chapel Royal.]

[Footnote 81: Mrs. Page.]

[Footnote 82: Editor of the London _Times_.]

[Footnote 83: Mrs. Kipling.]

[Footnote 84: Mr. Edward Bell, Second Secretary of the American
Embassy.]




INDEX

_Age_, Louisville, connection with, I 32

Aid to stranded Americans in Europe on outbreak of war, I 304, 307, 329

_Alabama_ claims, the framed check for, in British Foreign Office,
I 390, II 78

Alderman, Dr. Edwin A., early efforts in behalf of public education,
I 73, 78;
stricken with tuberculosis, but recovers health, I 120;
on committee to lecture in England, II 346.
_Letters to_: expressing fear and hope of Wilson, I 121;
on meeting of the Southern and the General Education Boards, I 125;
after Wilson's inauguration, I 128;
while enroute to port as Ambassador, I 129;
on changed world conditions, II 142

Ambassador, some activities of an, I 159;
as a preventer of calamities, I 166

America and Great Britain, only free countries in the world, II 121

American Government, slight regard for by British, I 145, 152, 190, II 153;
strong feeling against uncourteous Notes of, II 74;
on handling of _Lusitania_ case, II 79;
on being under German influence, II 80, 97

American Luncheon Club, could not adhere to neutrality, II 230

American Navy, its aid in combatting the submarine, II 294

American supremacy, a before-the-war prophecy, I 144;
why the British will acknowledge, I 170

_Ancona_, torpedoed, II 79 _note_

Anderson, Chandler P., counsel for Committee for relief of stranded
Americans, I 307;
backs up Ambassador in neutrality letter to Wilson, I 373;
gives reasons why unwise to demand adoption of Declaration of London,
I 387

Anglo-American-German "pact," planned by Wilson and House, I 281

Anglomania, charged against ambassadors, I 257

Anti-Imperialists, protest declaration of war against Spain, I 62

_Arabic_, sinking of, thought surely to bring on war, II 26

Arbitration Treaty, renewal of, I 285;
significance of Germany's refusal to sign, I 294

Archbold, John D., attempts to explain Foraker letters, I 88

Archibald, James, trapped by British secret service, II 101

Asquith, H.H., opposition to the House of Lords, I 137;
at state dinner to King Christian, I 167;
hint to, on Mexican situation, I 185;
conciliatory remarks at Guildhall banquet, I 210;
explains Dardanelles preparations, I 430;
his ministry suspected of pacifist or "defeatist" tendencies, I 430;
aged by the war, II 141;
conversation with, regarding Casement case, and relations between
Great Britain and America, II 168;
refuses to discuss Wilson's peace note, II 207;
in House of Commons speech welcomes America as ally, II 230;
inclined toward seeking peace, II 353

Astor, Mr. and Mrs. Waldorf, at the home of, II 380

_Atlantic Monthly_, editor of, I 53

Atlantic Ocean, a blessing to America, I 162, 170, 310; II 117

Austrian Embassy, left in charge of American Ambassador, I 305, 321;
difficulties incident to, I 345

Aycock, Gov. Charles B., efforts in educational reform, I 85;
commendatory letter from, I 86


Babcock, Commander, arrival in England, II 274

Bacon, Senator Augustus O., declared he would have blocked Page's
Ambassadorship had he known he was author of "The Southerner,"
I 93, 226

Baker, Secretary Newton D., sees the war at first-hand, II 364;
dinner at Embassy to, II 364, 370;
Page's memorandum of his visit, II 366

Baker, Ray Stannard, visit at Sandwich, II 384

Balfour, aged by the war, II 141;
drafts reply to Wilson's peace note, II 212;
reply to question how best America could help, II 219;
on the disposition of the German colonies, II 246;
friendliness toward United States averts crisis in Venezuela dispute,
II 249;
much concerned at feeling toward British in the United States, II 251;
his home life, II 257;
conference with Bonar Law and, over financial help from America, II 261;
satisfactory conference with Mr. Polk over blacklist and blockade,
II 265;
explains "secret
treaties" to President Wilson, II 267;
conference with McAdoo on financial situation, II 267;
sends dispatch to President Wilson substantiating previous reports
of Page and Sims on submarine peril which were not taken seriously,
II 284;
indignant over misunderstanding with Brazilian Navy, II 304;
at the Embassy dinner to Secretary Baker, II 365, 370;
at train to bid good-bye, II 402;
most affected at leave-taking, 403

Balfour Mission to the United States, II 249 _et seq._

Barclay, Esther, Mr. Page's maternal grandmother, I 6

Bayard, Thomas F., accused of Anglomania while Ambassador, I 257

Beckendorff, Count, talk with, II 82

Belgium, violation of, the cause of Great Britain's participation in
the war, I 315;
sending food supplies to aid starving, I 346

_Benham_, misunderstanding over American destroyer's action during
submarine operations off Nantucket, II 253

Benton, William S., Englishman, murdered in Mexico, I 285

Beresford, Lord Charles, complains of attitude of Foreign Office in
pacifying America, I 365;
makes speech in House of Lords on attitude of U.S. Destroyer
_Benham_, II 253

Bernstorff, Count von, objectionable activities of, I 335;
efforts to secure intercession of the United States toward peace, I 403;
at the Speyer dinner, I 404;
instructed to start propaganda for "freedom of the seas," I 436;
gives pledge that liners would not be submarined without warning,
II 30 _note_;
thought in England to dominate our State Department, II 80;
cable proposing suspending of submarine war, II 149;
threatens President Wilson with resumption of submarine sinkings
unless he moves for peace, II 200;
news of his dismissal received in London, II 215

Bethmann-Hollweg, not seen by Colonel House, I 289;
tells King of Bavaria peace must be secured, II 181

Biddle, General, at the Embassy dinner to Secretary Baker, II 365, 370

Bingham School, studies and environment at, I 16;
selected for honour prize by Ambassador, I 17

Blacklist, feeling in America over the, II 184;
conditions change on American entry into war, II 264, 265, 266

Blanquet, General, in Mexican uprising, I 175

Bliss, General Tasker, wisdom and tact impress the Allies, II 351

Blockade, British, compared to our blockade in Civil War, II 55 _et seq._;
the American Note protesting against, II 69

Blockade, strong feeling in America against, II 184

Bolling, Thomas, at President Wilson's luncheon, II 171

Bones, Miss, at President Wilson's luncheon, II 171

Boy-Ed, dismissal of, II 108

Brazilian Navy, ships join American unit in European waters, II 304

Breitung, E.N., makes test case with _Dacia_ registry, I 393

British Navy League, activity in keeping up the navy, I 284

Bryan, William Jennings, uncomplimentary editorial on, in _World's
Work_, I 87;
attitude toward concession holders in Mexico, I 181;
refuses to consider intervention in Mexico, I 193;
an increasing lack of confidence in, I 193;
tirade against British, to Sir William Tyrrell, I 202,
to Col. House, I 206;
Asquith's opinion of, 236;
Page's appeal to Colonel House that he be kept out of Europe, I 235, 236;
regards Ambassador as un-neutral, I 362;
insists that Great Britain adopt the Declaration of London, I 373, 377;
interested in the Straus peace proposal, I 407;
resignation after _Lusitania_ notes, II 6;
proposes going to England and Germany to try peace negotiations, II 12

Bryan, comments on his political activity but diplomatic laxity,
I 194, 225, 236;
crank once, crank always, II 27;
democratic party wrecked by his long captaincy, II 190

Bryce, Lord, hopeless of the two countries ever understanding one
another, II 39;
concern at our trivial notes, II 67;
conversation with, on misunderstandings between America and Great
Britain, and the peace settlement, II 165;
depressed at tenor of Wilson's note proposing peace, sends him
personal letter, II 207;
in House of Lords speech welcomes America as ally, II 230;
frequent visitor at the Embassy, II 315;
attitude toward a League of Nations, II 357

Burns, John, resigns from British Cabinet on declaration of war, I 316

Buttrick, Dr. Wallace, intimacy with, I 85;
efforts in building up Southern agriculture, I 94;
in hookworm eradication, I 99;
lectures on the United States throughout Great Britain, II 291;
his speeches a source of inspiration to British masses, II 345;
asked to organize a committee of Americans to extend the work, II 345;
informed by Colonel House of Wilson's disapproval, II 348;
warns Page of breakdown if he does not at once return to America, II 375;
beneficial effects of his lectures, II 388


Canterbury, Archbishop of, in House of Lords speech welcomes America as
ally, II 231;
on gratitude shown to America, II 245

Carden, Sir Lionel Edward Gresley, his being sent to Mexico, a British
mistake, I 187;
anti-American propaganda in Cuba, I 196;
as British Minister to Mexico shows great hostility to the United
States, I 197;
formally advises Huerta to abdicate, I 209;
Page's part in recall from Mexican post, I 215 _et seq._

Carlyle, Thomas, new letters from, discovered in Canada, I 60

Carnegie, Andrew, visit to, at Skibo, I 142

Carranza, Venustiano, thought by Wilson to be a patriot, I 227, 228

Carson, Sir Edward, resists the Home Rule Bill, I 137;
at Bonar Law dinner, II 119;
tells Lloyd George submarines must be settled before Irish question,
II 260

Casement, Sir Roger, trial and conviction inspire movement from
Irish-Americans resulting in Senate resolution, II 166

Cecil, Lord Robert, incident of the "Boston Tea Party," I 392;
receives German proposal from Page as "German Ambassador," II 201;
letters to Sir C. Spring Rice on Germany's peace proposal, II 201, 202;
Page's interview with to explain Wilson's peace communication, II 208;
at train to bid good-bye, II 402

Chamberlain, Senator, presents petition demanding Ambassador's removal,
I 259;
demands Senate be furnished with copy of Panama tolls speech, I 260

Chancery, removal of, to better quarters, I 341

Children, crusade for education of, I 72

China case, the, satisfactorily settled, II 154, 155

Choate, Joseph H., understanding of Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, I 242;
accused of Anglomania while Ambassador, I 257

Christian, King, royal reception to, I 167

Christmas in England, 1915, II 103

Churchill, Winston, proposal for naval holiday, I 277, 278, 279, 298

Civil War, first contact with, I 1;
his father's attitude toward, I 5;
early recollections of Sherman's invasion, II 10;
the aftermath, I 13

Clark, Champ, opponent of repeal of Panama Tolls Bill, I 264

Cleveland, President, an influence in formation of ideals, I 40;
conversation with, I 40

Cotton, the question of contraband, I 267

Country Life Commission, appointed on, by President Roosevelt, I 89

Court, presentations at, I 156, 172

Courtesies in diplomatic intercourse, necessity for, I 147, 190

Cowdray, Lord, head of British oil concessions in Mexico, I 181;
withdraws request for Colombian oil concession, I 217;
long talk with on intervention in Mexico, I 225;
great monetary loss in giving up oil concessions, I 227

Cradock, Admiral, does not approve American policy toward Mexico, I 230

Crewe, Marquis of, on Page's tact as Ambassador, II 397

Criticisms and attacks on Ambassador Page;
the "knee-breeches" story, I 133;
Hearst papers watching for opportunity, I 149, 261;
furor over "English-led and English-ruled" phrase, I 258;
speech before Associated Chambers of Commerce, on Panama tolls, I 259

Cuba, a problem, I 176

Curzon, Lord, in House of Lords speech welcomes America as ally, II 230


_Dacia_ incident, the, a serious crisis averted, I 392, II 4

Daniels, Josephus, protest made against his appointment to