Two broad swamps also had to be crossed, the soldiers wading waist-high
in the water, and carrying their ammunition-pouches on their heads.
Three hours and more were passed before we arrived at the village, and
here information reached the General that the enemy were posted twelve
miles distant, at a place named Najafgarh.

The march was at once resumed, and, floundering in the mud, the
artillery horses especially with great labour dragging the guns through
the morass which extended nearly all the way, we arrived at about four
o'clock on the banks of a canal in full view of the enemy's position.

This had been chosen with great judgment, and presented a formidable
appearance, stretching about a mile and a half from the canal bridge on
the extreme right to a large serai on the left in the town of Najafgarh.
Nine guns were posted between the bridge and the serai, with four more
in the latter building, all protected by entrenchments with parapets and
embrasures.

The troops crossed the canal by a ford, and formed up in line of battle
on the opposite side, facing the town of Najafgarh, and about 900 yards
from the serai, the infantry in two lines, ourselves and the 1st Bengal
Fusiliers in front, with artillery and cavalry on each flank.

When we were halted, Nicholson came to the front and, addressing the
regiments of European infantry, spoke a few soul-stirring words, calling
on us to reserve our fire till close to the enemy's batteries, and then
to charge with fixed bayonets. He was answered with a cheer, and the
lines advanced across the plain steady and unbroken, as though on
parade.

The enemy had opened fire, and were answered by our guns, the infantry
marching with sloped arms at the quick step till within 100 yards, when
we delivered a volley. Then the war-cry of the British soldiers was
heard, and the two regiments came to the charge, and ran at the double
towards the serai.

Lieutenant Gabbett of my regiment was the first man to reach the
entrenchment, and, passing through an embrasure, received a bayonet
thrust in the left breast, which stretched him on the ground. The men
followed, clearing everything before them, capturing the four guns in
the serai, bayoneting the rebels and firing at those who had taken to
flight at our approach. Then, changing front, the whole force swept
along the entrenchment to the bridge, making a clean sweep of the enemy,
who turned and fled, leaving the remaining nine guns in our hands.

Our Horse Artillery, under Major Tombs--never better served than in this
action--mowed down the fugitives in hundreds, and continued following
and firing on them till darkness set in. The cavalry also--a squadron of
the gallant 9th Lancers, with the Guides and Punjabees--did their share
of work, while the European infantry were nobly supported by the corps
of Punjab Rifles, who cleared the town of the sepoys.

The battle had lasted a very short time, and after dark we bivouacked on
the wet ground in the pouring rain, completely exhausted from our long
march and subsequent fighting, and faint from want of food, none of
which passed our lips for more than sixteen hours.

[Illustration: NOTE.--MAJOR RAINBY COMMANDED THE 61ST REGIMENT IN THIS
ENGAGEMENT.]

[From Lord Roberts' "Forty-one Years in India." By kind permission.]

Still, the day's work was not over. A village to the rear was found to
be occupied by the enemy, and the Punjab Rifles were ordered to take
it. They met with a most obstinate resistance, their young commander,
Lumsden, being killed. The General then sent part of my regiment to
dislodge the rebels, but we met with only partial success, and had one
officer, named Elkington, mortally wounded, the enemy evacuating the
place during the night.

We passed the night of the 25th in the greatest discomfort. Hungry and
wet through, we lay on the ground, snatching sleep at intervals. Poor
Gabbett died of internal haemorrhage soon after he received his wound,
and his death deprived the regiment of one of its best and bravest
officers, and me of a true friend. He had shared my tent on the march
down and during the whole campaign, a cheery, good-hearted fellow, and
one who had earned the respect of officers and the love of his men. The
General was particularly struck with his bravery, and with feeling heart
wrote a letter to Gabbett's mother, saying he would have recommended her
son for the Victoria Cross had he survived the action.

Young Elkington also received his death-wound at the night-attack on the
village. He was quite a stripling, being only eighteen years old, and
had joined the regiment but a few months before. His was one of those
strange cases of a presentiment of death, many of which have been well
authenticated in our army. On looking over his effects, it was found
that he had written letters to his nearest relations on the night before
marching to Najafgarh; and he had also carefully made up small parcels
of his valuables and trinkets, with directions on them to whom they were
to be delivered in case of his being killed next day. It was noticed,
too, that he was unusually quiet and reserved, never speaking a word
to anyone on the march, though when the action began he behaved like a
gallant soldier, giving up his young life in the service of his country.

_August_ 26.--On the morning of August 26 we marched back to camp,
arriving there before sundown, and were played in by the bands of the
two regiments, while many soldiers, native as well as European, lined
the road and gave us a hearty cheer.

Our casualties at the action of Najafgarh amounted to twenty-five
officers and men killed and seventy wounded. The enemy left great
numbers of dead in the entrenchments and on the plain, their loss being
computed at 500 killed and wounded; but this, I fancy, is much below
the mark, for our artillery fire was very destructive, and the cavalry
committed great havoc amongst the host of fugitives. The battle of the
25th was the most brilliant and decisive since that of Badli-ki-Serai on
June 8. All the guns, thirteen in number, were captured, and the enemy's
camp, ammunition, stores, camels and bullocks were taken. Would that
we had met the insurgents oftener in the open in this manner! But the
rascals were too wary, and had too great a dread of our troops to face
them in a pitched encounter.

During the absence of Nicholson's small force the enemy had attacked all
the pickets, and kept up a heavy cannonade from the walls, causing us a
loss of thirty-five men. It was their impression that the camp had been
left almost bare and defenceless by the withdrawal of so large a force;
but they were quickly undeceived, and were met at each point of assault
by a galling fire from our men.

For many nights after August 26 our right pickets were constantly
harassed by the rebels, who also shelled Hindoo Rao's house from the
city and Kishenganj batteries. Our sappers, too, found it not only
difficult, but dangerous, to work in the advanced trenches below the
ridge, being always met by a murderous musketry from the enemy's
sharpshooters, who fired down behind breastworks. It was resolved,
therefore, on August 30, to drive them out from their cover, and on
two or more occasions this was performed by the Goorkhas and the 60th
Rifles, who, as usual, fighting together and supporting each other, took
the breastworks in gallant style. Our Engineers were then enabled
to continue their operations in the trenches preparatory to making
approaches towards the city walls, and constructing the batteries for
the siege-train, now daily expected.

The Flagstaff Tower, as I have already mentioned in a former part of my
narrative, was the chief rendezvous of officers when not on duty. About
this time I went to the top of the tower in company with one of my
regiment, when an amusing incident occurred.

We were watching the batteries playing on each side, when a tall Afghan,
armed to the teeth, appeared at the top of the steps, and was about to
set foot on the enclosed space under the flagstaff. A sentry was always
stationed there, and on this occasion it happened to be a sturdy little
Goorkha, one of the Kumaon battalion. On the approach of the Afghan he
immediately came to the charge, and warned him that none but European
officers were allowed on the top of the tower. The Afghan laughed,
and then, looking with contempt at the diminutive sentry, a dwarf in
comparison with himself, he attempted to push aside the bayonet. Losing
all patience, the Goorkha at this threw down his musket, and drawing his
_kukri_, the favourite weapon of his race, he rushed at the Afghan with
up-lifted blade. This was too much for our valiant hero, who quickly
turned tail, and disappeared down the circular staircase, the Goorkha
following him at a short distance. On his return he picked up the
musket, and seeing us laughing, the frown on his face turned into the
most ludicrous expression of good-humour I had ever seen, and he burst
out into a fit of laughter which lasted some minutes. He told us that he
and the other Goorkhas of his regiment thought nothing of the bravery of
the Afghan soldiers, some 100 of whom were on our side at Delhi; and he
spoke truly.

These men, all cavalry, superbly mounted, dressed in chain armour, and
carrying arms of every description, had been sent down ostensibly as a
reinforcement to us by their Ameer, Dost Mohammed Khan of Kabul, but
really as spies to watch our movements, and report the state of affairs
to their chief. They made a great display about the camp, but I never
heard of their meeting the enemy in action during their stay before
Delhi.

The last two days of August we had several men killed and wounded in the
force, and one of our officers, who shared my tent after poor Gabbett's
death, received a severe contusion from the bursting of a shell.

Nearly three months had now elapsed since the Siege of Delhi began. We
were, to all appearance, no nearer to the desired end, and had scarcely
gained one foot of ground nearer to the walls of the city. Moreover,
there was alarm in the Punjab owing to a reported disaffection among the
Sikh population, who, it is said, were beginning openly to assert that
the British army was unable to take Delhi. To check this feeling, the
Chief Commissioner had urged General Wilson to lose no time in making
preparations for the assault of the city; and thus our expectations beat
high at the near approach of the powerful siege-train on its way down
from Ferozepore, though we knew there were still before us trials and
dangers to which our former experiences would be as nothing.

The weather had now somewhat cleared, but the heat was overpowering,
averaging 98 deg. in the shade of my tent every day. Cholera, too, raged as
before, the principal sufferers being ourselves, and the 8th and 52nd
Regiments. To cheer the soldiers, the bands played in camp of an
evening, while some officers and men engaged in sport of various kinds;
but the angel of Death was hovering over my poor regiment, and few of
us had the heart to join in pastime while our comrades lay stricken and
dying of disease in hospital.

_September 1_.--A portion of my corps was on duty at the Metcalfe
stable picket on September 1, when a lamentable loss was experienced,
unparalleled in the annals of the siege. The enemy's battery across the
river had never ceased shelling these pickets, though up to this day it
had not caused much damage to the defenders.

Shortly after sunrise the men were assembled outside, receiving their
grog, which was served out to them every morning at an early hour. Some
100 men and officers, beside Sikhs and native attendants, were grouped
around, when a loud hissing sound was heard, and a shrapnel shell, fired
from the enemy's battery at the long range of 2,000 yards, exploded a
few feet in front.

The bullets scattered around, and the scene which followed it is almost
impossible for me to depict. Many threw themselves flat on the ground,
falling one on top of the other, while groans and cries were heard. One
soldier fell mortally wounded by my side, and on looking around to
count up our losses, we found that two of my regiment had been killed
outright, besides six others severely wounded. Two Sikhs and a _bhisti_,
or water-carrier, also met their death, and two doolie-bearers were
wounded--thirteen men in all.

One very stout old officer was in the act of having his morning bath
when the shell exploded, the _bhisti_ standing at his side and pouring
over him, when squatted on a tent-mallet, his _massuck_ of water.
He rolled over and over on the ground, presenting such a ludicrous
appearance in his wet, nude state, and covered with earth, that,
notwithstanding the awful surroundings of the scene, I and others could
not forbear laughing. The shot had been quite a chance one, but it
proved how deadly was the effect of a shrapnel shell exploding, as this
had done, only a few feet in front of a large body of men.

_September 2 and 3_.--The batteries continued exchanging shots during
September 2 and 3, but there were no attacks of any consequence on the
pickets, and we had on those days only three men wounded on the right of
our position.

On the morning of the 4th the long-looked-for siege-train reached camp.
It consisted of twenty-four heavy guns and mortars, and a plentiful
supply of ammunition and stores. Reinforcements also reached us,
amounting to about 400 European infantry and the Belooch battalion, the
last a most savage-looking lot of men, who, however, did good service,
and fought well. Besides these, a party of Sikh horsemen, in the service
of the Rajah of Jhind--a noble-looking man, who, with his retainers,
had kept open our communications with the Punjab during the whole
siege--joined the army, begging as a favour that they might join in the
dangers of the coming assault on the city.

_September 7_.--September 7 also saw the arrival of Wilde's regiment of
Punjabis, 700 strong, followed the same day by the Kashmir contingent
of 2,200 men and four guns, sent to our assistance by the ruler of that
country.

I was sitting in my tent with the bandmaster of my regiment, a German
named Sauer, when we were saluted with the sound of distant music, the
most discordant I have ever heard. The bandmaster jumped up from his
seat, exclaiming: "Mein Gott! vat is dat? No regiment in camp can play
such vile music," and closing his ears immediately, rushed out of the
tent.

The Kashmir troops were marching into camp, accompanied by General
Wilson and his staff, who had gone out to meet them, their bands playing
some English air, drums beating, and colours flying. There was no fault
to be found in the appearance of the soldiers, who were mostly Sikhs and
hill men of good physique; but their ludicrous style of marching, the
strange outlandish uniform of the men, and the shrill discord of their
bands, created great amusement among the assembled Europeans, who had
never seen such a travesty on soldiers before. They encamped on our
right flank; but were not employed on active service till the day of
assault, on September 14.

On the arrival of the siege-train, no time was lost in making approaches
and parallels, and erecting batteries for the bombardment of Delhi. The
trench-work had already been begun, and what with covering and working
parties, both of European and native soldiers, and the usual picket
duties, the greater part of the army was continually employed in this
arduous work every night and a portion of each day. Nothing could
surpass the zeal and willing aptitude of the men, who laboured
unceasingly digging trenches and filling sand-bags, all the time, and
more especially at night, exposed to a galling fire of musketry and
shells.

The Engineers, under their able leaders, were unremitting in their
duties; and the young officers of that corps covered themselves with
glory both in these preliminary operations and at the actual assault.

No. 1 Battery, to our right front, consisting of ten heavy guns and
mortars, was traced, on the evening of September 7, about 700 yards from
the Mori bastion. No. 2, to the left front, near Ludlow Castle, and
only 600 yards from the walls, was completed on the 10th, and contained
nineteen pieces of artillery.

No. 4, for ten heavy mortars, and near No. 2, at the Koodsia Bagh, was
completed in front of the Kashmir bastion also on that day. And, lastly,
No. 3, on the extreme left, with six guns at the short distance of 180
yards from the Water bastion, was unmasked behind the Custom-House,
which was blown up after the completion of the battery.

Thus, in four days and nights, after incredible exertions on the part of
the working parties, forty-five heavy guns and mortars were in position,
strongly entrenched, and ready to silence the fire from the enemy's
bastions and to make breaches in the walls for the assaulting columns.

The rebels during all this time plied the covering and working parties
with shot and shell, bringing out field-guns, which enfiladed the Ludlow
Castle and Koodsia Bagh batteries, and keeping up a sharp musketry fire
from an advanced trench they had dug in front of the walls. At the two
latter places, where the men of my regiment were employed, the fire was
very galling at times, the guns from the distant Selimgarh Fort, Water,
and Kashmir bastions all concentrating their shots at those batteries
whi1st in process of erection.

The nights, fortunately, were clear, and we had plenty of light to
assist us in our work; the men were cheerful and active, never resting
for a moment in their labours, and receiving in the Field Force orders
the praise of the General in command.

We wondered how it was that the enemy allowed us to occupy the advanced
positions at Ludlow Castle and the Koodsia Bagh without even so much
as a struggle; but it was accounted for by the supposition that they
imagined our attack would be made from the right of our position, where
all the great conflicts had taken place. There they were in strength,
and it was our weakest point; whereas, on the side near the Jumna, we
were protected from being turned by having the river on our flank,
better cover for operations, and, moreover, batteries to silence which
were less powerful and more difficult of concentration than those
which faced us on our right from the city walls and from the suburb of
Kishenganj.


[Footnote 1: White people.]

[Footnote 2: Lieutenant Pattoun was wounded in the ankle on this
occasion, and a sergeant of the 61st was shot through the head.]

[Footnote 3: Colonel Seton, 35th Native Infantry, was wounded in the
stomach in this affair.]

[Footnote 4: One man of the 61st Regiment was killed by a round-shot,
which in its course also knocked over some sandbags which sent
Lieutenant Hutton flying about seven feet.]

[Footnote 5: Lieutenant Yonge.]

[Footnote 6: On August 7 they blew up one of their own powder factories,
and with it a number of workmen.]



CHAPTER IV

CAPTURE OF THE CITY

The actual Siege of Delhi may be said to have commenced on September 7,
1857. All reinforcements that could possibly arrive had reached us with
the siege-train, and the effective force now available for operations
before Delhi consisted of the following troops:

European artillery     580
"  cavalry             514
"  infantry          2,672
-----
3,766

Native artillery       770
" cavalry            1,313
" infantry           3,417
Engineers, sappers, miners, etc.  722
-----
6,222
-----

Grand total          9,988

To the above must be added the Kashmir contingent of 2,200 men, with
four guns, and the cavalry of the Jhind Rajah, perhaps 400 more, making
the full amount of troops employed at the siege 12,588.

The seven regiments of European infantry were sadly reduced in numbers,
being mere skeletons, the strongest mustering 409 effective rank and
file, and the weakest only 242. There were also nearly 3,000 men in
hospital, Europeans and natives.

From the most reliable sources the enemy at this period numbered
40,000 men, all trained soldiers of the former regular army, besides
undisciplined armed hordes of fanatics and rabble of the city and
surrounding country--a formidable disproportion to our scanty force when
it is recollected that they were protected by strong fortifications
mounting upwards of fifty guns, with an unlimited supply of artillery
and munitions of war, and that with their vast numbers they had ample
opportunities of harassing our right flank and rear and cutting off
communications up-country.

Nevertheless, political considerations demanded that we should take the
offensive and deal such a blow as would convince the rebels, as well
as those whose loyalty was wavering, that the British arms were
irresistible. Moreover, there was no likelihood of our force being
increased. So on September 7 General Wilson issued the following address
to his troops:

"The force assembled before Delhi has had much hardship to undergo since
its arrival in this camp, all of which has been most cheerfully borne by
officers and men. The time is now drawing near when the Major-General
commanding the force trusts that its labours will be over, and it will
be rewarded by the capture of the city for all its past exertions, and
for a cheerful endurance of still greater fatigue and exposure. The
troops will be required to aid and assist the Engineers in the erection
of the batteries and trenches, and in daily exposure to the sun, as
covering parties.

"The artillery will have even harder work than they yet have had,
and which they have so well and cheerfully performed hitherto: this,
however, will be for a short period only, and when ordered to the
assault, the Major-General feels assured British pluck and determination
will carry everything before them, and that the bloodthirsty and
murderous mutineers against whom they are fighting will be driven
headlong out of their stronghold, or be exterminated. But to enable
them to do this, he warns the troops of the absolute necessity of their
keeping together, and not straggling from their columns. By this can
success only be secured.

"Major-General Wilson need hardly remind the troops of the cruel murders
committed on their officers and comrades, as well as their wives and
children, to move them in the deadly struggle. No quarter should be
given to the mutineers; at the same time, for the sake of humanity and
the honour of the country they belong to, he calls upon them to spare
all women and children that may come in their way.

"It is so imperative, not only for their safety, but for the success of
the assault, that men should not straggle from their column that the
Major-General feels it his duty to direct all commanding officers to
impress this strictly upon their men, and he is confident that after
this warning the men's good sense and discipline will induce them to
obey their officers and keep steady to their duty. It is to be explained
to every regiment that indiscriminate plunder will not be allowed; that
prize agents have been appointed, by whom all captured property will
be collected and sold, to be divided, according to the rules and
regulations on this head, fairly among all men engaged; and that any
man found guilty of having concealed captured property will be made to
restore it, and will forfeit all claims to the general prize; he will
also be likely to be made over to the Provost-Marshal to be summarily
dealt with.

"The Major-General calls upon the officers of the force to lend their
zealous and efficient co-operation in the erection of the works of the
siege now about to be commenced. He looks especially to the regimental
officers of all grades to impress upon their men that to work in the
trenches during a siege is as necessary and honourable as to fight in
the ranks during a battle.

"He will hold all officers responsible for their utmost being done to
carry out the directions of the Engineers, and he confidently trusts
that all will exhibit a healthy and hearty spirit of emulation and zeal,
from which he has no doubt that the happiest results will follow in the
brilliant termination of all their labours."

_September 7_.--From the night of September 7 to the day of assault
all the artillerymen in the force, European as well as native, were
constantly employed in the batteries and trenches. Day and night
officers and men worked with unflagging energy in the advanced
batteries, with no relief and no cessation from their toil. Few in
number, worn out by the excessive fatigues of a three months' campaign,
and enervated by continuous work in the deadliest season of the year,
these gallant European artillerymen earned during those last days of the
siege, by their zeal and devotion, the heartfelt thanks of the whole
army. The old Bengal Artillery have a splendid roll of services,
extending for upwards of 100 years; still, in the annals of that
distinguished regiment there is no brighter record than their
achievements before Delhi in 1857. The corps has been merged into the
Royal Artillery, but the ancient name still lives in the memory of those
who were witnesses of their deeds, and their imperishable renown adds
greater lustre to the proud motto, _Ubique_, borne by the regiment to
which they are affiliated.

Many officers and men of the cavalry and infantry volunteered for
service in the batteries when called on by the General. They acquitted
themselves well, were of great use to the gunners in lightening the
arduous duties, and were complimented in orders for the valuable aid
they had afforded to their companions in arms.[1]

_September 11_.--The advanced batteries were all completed by the
evening of September 11, when the actual bombardment of the city began.
For three days and nights previous No. 1 Battery, on the extreme right,
was severely pounded from the Mori bastion and Kishenganj, but when the
guns got into full play the fire from the former grew gradually weaker
and weaker, till it was completely overpowered. Nos. 2 and 4 Batteries,
being nearer to the walls, suffered much from the enemy, and the losses
were very severe both among the artillery and the covering and working
bodies of infantry.

_September 11_.--At length, on September 11, the whole of our batteries
opened fire simultaneously on the city bastions and walls. The Kashmir
bastion was soon silenced, the ramparts and adjacent curtains knocked to
fragments, and a large breach opened in the walls. On the extreme left,
at the Custom-House, our battery, as before related, was only 180 yards
from the city, and the crushing fire from this, when in full play,
smashed to pieces the Water bastion, overturned the guns, and made a
breach in the curtain so wide and practicable that it could be ascended
with ease.

Fifty guns and mortars were now pouring shot and shell without a
moment's interval on the doomed city. The din and roar were deafening;
day and night salvos of artillery were heard, roll following roll in
endless succession, and striking terror in the hearts of those who knew
and felt that the day of retribution was at hand.

Still, though their batteries on the bastions had been wellnigh
silenced, the rebels stuck well to their field-guns in the open space
before the walls; they sent a storm of rockets from one of the martello
towers, and fired a stream of musketry from the ramparts and advanced
trenches. Kishenganj, too, made its voice heard, harassing our right and
sweeping the Sabzi Mandi and Hindoo Rao's with its incessant fire.

During the bombardment our casualties amounted to nearly 350 men,
the enemy causing great loss at No. 2 Battery through the fire of a
3-pounder served from a hole broken in the curtain-wall. This gun was
admirably directed, and could not be silenced notwithstanding all our
efforts. One officer, looking over the parapet to see the effect of his
fire, was struck by a shot from the "hole in the wall," his head being
taken completely off, the mutilated trunk falling back amongst the men
at the guns--a ghastly and terrible sight, which filled us who were
present with horror.

During the whole of the bombardment portions of my regiment were on duty
in the batteries and trenches, working at the repair of the parapets and
embrasures occasionally damaged by the enemy's shot, and also taking
their share of duty with the advanced and covering parties. These were
harassing and dangerous services, involving great vigilance. We
were almost always under fire from the enemy; but with the utmost
cheerfulness, and even, I may say, good-humour, the whole of the
infantry did all in their power to lighten the work of the overtasked
artillerymen: comrades we were, all striving for the accomplishment of
one purpose--that of bringing swift and sure destruction on the rebels
who had for so long a period successfully resisted our arms. So cool and
collected had the men become that even in the midst of fire from the
advanced trenches, and while keeping up on our side a brisk fusillade,
the soldiers smoked their pipes, rude jokes were bandied from one to the
other, and laughter was heard.

When off duty I and others took our station for hours on the ridge, and
sometimes on the top of the Flagstaff Tower. Thence with eager eyes we
watched the batteries cannonading the walls, and marked the effects of
the round-shot on the ramparts and bastions. Few of the enemy could be
seen; but every now and then some would show themselves, disappearing
when a well-directed shot struck in too close proximity. Cavalry
and infantry at times issued from the gates; but from their hurried
movements it seemed evident that they were ill at ease, and after a
short time they returned into the city.

At night the scene was, as may be supposed, grand in the extreme. The
space below was lighted up by continuous flashes and bursts of flame,
throwing a flood of light among the thick forest of trees and gardens,
while shells would burst high over the city, illuminating the spires and
domes, and bringing into prominence every object around. There was not
only the roll of the heavy guns and mortars, but the sharp rattle of
musketry, and the hiss of the huge rocket, as it cut through the air
with its brilliant light, sounded in our ears.

_September 12_.--On the 12th the enemy made frequent sorties from the
Lahore and Ajmir Gates with bodies of cavalry and foot, while a party of
horsemen crossed the canal, and made for the right rear of the camp. The
latter were seen by the Guides and some Punjabi cavalry, who, led by
Probyn and Watson, advanced to meet the enemy. There was a short but
sharp encounter at close quarters, in which thirty rebels were killed,
the remainder flying at full speed towards the city. The sorties from
the gates turned out comparatively harmless, and seemed meant only as
demonstrations to draw out our troops from the cover of the advanced
trenches. Seeing that the attempt was futile, and resulted only in loss
to themselves, the enemy retreated in confusion, their flight being
accelerated by shell and round-shot from No. 1 Battery, and musketry
from our outlying posts.

A serious loss befell the army on this day in the death of Captain
Robert Fagan, of the Bengal Artillery. This officer, whose heroism made
his name conspicuous even among the many gallant spirits of the Delhi
Field Force, was killed in No. 3 Advanced Battery, a post he had
occupied since September 8, and which was more than any other exposed to
the enemy's fire. He had served throughout the siege, and was beloved by
his men, winning the hearts of all, not only by his undaunted behaviour
and cool courage, but also by his kind-hearted and amiable disposition.

The approaching day of assault was now the subject of conversation among
officers and men; for the end was at hand. On September 12 a council of
war met in General Wilson's tent, at which all the superior officers of
the army were present. All the arrangements for attack were perfected,
and the position of every brigade and corps was fixed and decided,
though the day and hour of assault was known to no one, not even to the
General in command.

_September 13_.--There was no rest for us on the 13th, the last Sunday
we were destined to pass before the walls of Delhi. The fire of our
heavy cannon increased in violence every hour, and the silence of the
enemy's batteries assured us of the efficacy of the bombardment, and the
speedy approach of the time when our columns would move to the assault
on the city.

That night, soon after darkness had set in, four officers of the
Engineers proceeded to examine the two large breaches in the walls made
by the batteries. It was a hazardous duty, exposing them to peril of
their lives; but these brave young fellows executed their task in
safety, and, unobserved by the enemy, few of whom seemed to be keeping
watch on the ramparts, returned to report the perfect practicability of
the breaches for escalade.

Then the General issued his orders for the final assault; and long
before midnight each regiment in camp knew its allotted place in the
coming attack on the city.

Five storming columns were formed, the position and details of each
being as under:

No. 1, under Brigadier General Nicholson, consisting of the 75th
Regiment, 1st Bengal Fusiliers, and Punjab Infantry, to storm the breach
at the Kashmir bastion--in all 1,000 men.

No. 2 Column, under Brigadier W. Jones (H.M. 61st Regiment), consisting
of H.M. 8th (the King's) Regiment, 2nd Europeans, 4th Sikhs--altogether
850 men to storm the breach near the Water bastion.

No. 3, under Colonel Campbell, consisting of the 52nd Regiment, the
Kumaon battalion of Goorkhas, and 1st Punjab Infantry--in all 950
men--to assault the Kashmir Gate after it should be blown in by the
Engineers.

No. 5, or the Reserve, under Brigadier Longfield (H.M. 8th Regiment), to
follow No. 3 by that gate into the city, was composed of the 61st, the
Belooch battalion, 4th Punjab Infantry, and the Jhind troops--altogether
1,300 men, with 200 of H.M. 60th Rifles--to cover the advance of
Nicholson's column and to form a reserve.

The whole of the above-named columns were under the immediate command of
General Nicholson, on whom devolved all arrangements for carrying out
the assault on Delhi.

No. 4 Column, under Major Reid, the officer in command at Hindoo Rao's
house, was formed of part of the 60th Rifles, the Sirmoor battalion
of Goorkhas, detachments from European regiments, and the Kashmir
contingent. This column was to attack the fortified suburb of
Kishenganj, and enter the city by the Lahore Gate, meeting Nos. 1 and 2
Columns at that place.

The cavalry brigade, under Colonel Grant, composed of the 9th Lancers,
part of the 6th Carabineers, with Sikh and Punjab cavalry and some
Horse Artillery, took up their position on the right of No. 1 Advanced
Battery, facing the Mori Gate, and within range of Kishenganj. Their
object was to oppose any attempt to take the storming columns in
flank, to watch the movements of the enemy, and to guard the camp from
surprise.

To the convalescents and a small force of cavalry and artillery the
protection of the camp was confided--a very insufficient guard when it
is considered that the enemy might well, out of their vast numbers, have
detached part of their horsemen and infantry to harass, if not imperil,
its safety, and that of the many, sick and wounded. As will hereafter be
seen, great danger resulted from the arrangements made in this respect;
and had the enemy, after our unsuccessful attack on Kishenganj on the
14th, but shown a spirit of pluck and daring, it is not too much to
affirm that the camp might have fallen into their hands, and our
successes in the city have thereby been rendered almost nugatory.

The night of the 13th was passed by us in a cheerful mood, everyone
hopeful and confident of what the morrow would bring forth. There was
a character of determination among the officers and men, a cool,
deliberate conviction that, under Providence, success would crown our
arms, and that vengeance would be done on those who had forfeited their
lives by the cruel massacre of our defenceless women and children.

Sleep visited the eyes of few in camp during the short hours of
preparation for the assault. Fully equipped to turn out at a moment's
notice, we lay down on our beds waiting for the signal to fall in.
This came at about three o'clock on the morning of September 14--an
auspicious day, it being the third anniversary of the Battle of the
Alma.

_September_ 14.--The troops fell in on their respective lines, and,
assembling at the slope of the ridge, the four columns of attack marched
in silence to the Flagstaff Tower. Thence, picking up the men on picket,
who were all withdrawn from the outlying posts, the force moved by the
road to the neighbourhood of Ludlow Castle, and close to No. 2 Advanced
Battery. Our movements were entirely concealed from the enemy; the
darkness which prevailed, and the ample cover from trees, gardens, and
houses, masking the march of the columns, while the breaching batteries,
which had kept up their fire all night long, still continued the
bombardment; nor did they cease till the actual moment when the columns
were set in motion and took their way to the city.

Just before sunrise all the dispositions were completed, the gallant
Nicholson, under whose orders we were, moving from point to point to
perfect his arrangements. Our artillery fire ceased as if by magic; and
a stillness, which contrasted ominously with the former roar and din,
must have convinced the rebels that something unusual was about to take
place.

The 60th Rifles with a cheer advanced to the front, and opened out as
skirmishers to the right and left of the Koodsia Bagh. Then followed
Nos. 1 and 2 Columns, which, in compact order, issued from their cover,
making for the two breaches to be assaulted.

I was with my regiment in No. 5 Column; and with breathless interest,
each heart aflame with excitement, we watched our comrades marching to
the attack. Presently the order for No. 3 Column to move forward was
given, and at a short interval our own followed.

Meanwhile the enemy had descried our movements, and the ramparts and
walls and also the top of the breaches were alive with men, who poured
in a galling fire on our troops Soon they reached the outer edge of the
moat, and amidst a perfect hailstorm of bullets, causing great havoc
among our men, the scaling-ladders were let down. The ditch here, 20
feet deep and 25 feet broad, offered a serious obstacle to the quick
advance of the assaulting columns; the men fell fast under the withering
fire, and some delay ensued before the ladders could be properly