Reformers, called attention just before the outbreak to the
extraordinary parallel between the revolt of Potchefstroom in 1857
against the dominance of Lydenburg and the condition of Johannesburg
in 1895 under the despotism of Pretoria. Dr. Hillier in his pamphlet
said:

In 1857 the Republic north of the Vaal attained its twentieth year.
It had increased in population, and had taken on, to some extent, the
habits and mode of life of a settled community. Mr. Pretorius and his
followers began to feel that in the altered circumstances of the
State the time had arrived for a remodelling of the Constitution.
Among these followers of Pretorius, these advocates of reform, it is
interesting to find was Mr. Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger.

Mr. Theal says:

'During the months of September and October, 1856, Commandant-General
M. W. Pretorius made a tour through the districts of Rutsenburg,
Pretoria and Potchefstroom, and called public meetings at all the
centres of population. At these meetings there was an expression by a
large majority in favour of immediate adoption of a Constitution
which should provide for an efficient Government and an independent
Church.'

And again, later on, we have in the words of South Africa's historian
the gist of the complaint against the then existing state of things:

'The community of Lydenburg was accused of attempting to domineer
over the whole country, without any other right to preeminence than
that of being composed of the earliest inhabitants, a right which it
had forfeited by its opposition to the general weal.'

Such was the shocking state of things in this country in 1856. It was
a great deal too bad for such champion reformers as Mr. Pretorius and
his lieutenant, Mr. S.J.P. Kruger, as we shall see later. Shortly
after these meetings were held, a Representative Assembly, consisting
of twenty-four members, one for each field-cornetcy, was elected for
the special purpose of framing a Constitution and installing the
officials whom it should decide to appoint.

On January 5, 1857, the Representative Assembly appointed Mr.
Martinus Wessels Pretorius President, and also appointed members of
an Executive Council. The oaths of office were then taken, the
President and Executive installed, and the flag hoisted. When
intelligence of these proceedings reached Zoutpansberg and Lydenburg,
there was a violent outburst of indignation. At a public meeting at
Zoutpansberg the acts and resolutions of the Representative Assembly
at Potchefstroom were almost unanimously repudiated, and a manifesto
disowning the new Constitution and everything connected with it was
drawn up. Mr. Pretorius then issued a proclamation, deposing
Commandant-General Schoeman from all authority, declaring
Zoutpansberg in a state of blockade, and prohibiting traders from
supplying 'the rebels' with ammunition or anything else. This conduct
on the part of the new Government under Mr. Pretorius appears to me
distinctly adroit. Having taken upon themselves to remodel the entire
Constitution of the country, they turn round on the adherents of the
older Government, whom, by-the-by, they had not thought it worth
while to consult, and promptly call them 'rebels.' And so you have
this striking political phenomenon of a revolutionary party turning
on the adherents of the Government of the State, and denouncing them,
forsooth, as 'rebels.'

The 'Republic of Lydenburg' then declared itself into a sovereign and
independent State. And thus two Republics, two Volksraads, two
Governments, were formed and existed simultaneously in the Transvaal.
And all this without a shot being fired, each party finding
sufficient relief to its feelings by calling the other party
'rebels.' In order to strengthen its position, the party of Pretorius
now determined on a bold stroke. They sent emissaries to endeavour to
arrange for union with the Free State. The Free State Government
rejected their overtures, but Pretorius was led to believe that so
many of the Free State burghers were anxious for this union that all
that was necessary for him to do, in order to effect it, was to march
in with an armed force. He therefore placed himself at the head of a
commando, and crossed the Vaal, where he was joined by a certain
number of Free State burghers.

But Pretorius, with whom was Paul Kruger, found, like Dr. Jameson,
that he had reckoned without his host. When intelligence of this
invasion reached Bloemfontein, President Boshoff issued a
proclamation declaring martial law in force throughout the Free
State, and calling out burghers for the defence of the country. It
soon appeared that the majority of the people were ready to support
the President, and from all quarters men repaired to Kroonstad. At
this stage the Free State President received an offer of assistance
from General Schoeman, of Zoutpansberg, against Pretorius, in which
object he believed Lydenburg would also join.

On May 25 the two commandoes were drawn up facing each other on
opposite banks of the Rhenoster River, and remained in that position
for three hours. Threatened from the north as well as the south
Pretorius felt his chance of success was small, and he therefore sent
out Commandant Paul Kruger with a flag of truce to propose that a
pacific settlement should be made.

Here indeed is a very close parallel, but the climax is still to
come. The treaty arrived at was practically an apology on the part of
the South African Republic. Many citizens of the Free State who had
joined the northern forces moved over the Vaal after this event.
Those who remained and those who had been previously arrested were
brought to trial for high treason. One man was sentenced to death,
but the sentence was mitigated subsequently to a fine; others were
fined. These fines were again still further mitigated at the
solicitation of Messrs. Paul Kruger and Steyn, until it came to
little more than a ten-pound note apiece.

There we have the story of President Kruger and his friends playing
exactly the part Dr. Jameson and the Johannesburg Reformers tried to
do. As Potchefstroom rose under Mr. Kruger against the oligarchical
rule of Lydenburg, so Johannesburg was to rise against Pretoria. The
Potchefstroom Republic under Pretorius and Kruger made a raid _à la_
Jameson into the Orange Free State for political purposes, to
encourage those who were believed to be anxious to effect a
union. And just as Jameson failed against the Government of Pretoria,
so Pretorius failed against the Government of the Orange Free State.
In 1857 it was Paul Kruger not Dr. Jameson who hoisted the white
flag. The Free Staters who had tried to help Kruger's raid were
arrested just as the Johannesburgers were; but although one of them
was condemned to death all of them were released, by the intervention
of Mr. Kruger himself, on paying a slight fine.

History has repeated itself indeed; but the offence of Dr. Jameson is
surely less than that of Mr. Kruger, if we are to pay heed to the
records of the Free State Volksraad, wherein it is written that on a
certain day the President stated in open Raad that proof had been
obtained of a proposed combined attack on the Free State by the
Transvaal Boers, led by Pretorius and Kruger on the one side, and the
Basutos under Moshesh on the other--a horrible and unnatural alliance
which was not effected only because Moshesh could not trust his
professed allies. The Raad thereupon publicly gave thanks to the
Almighty, Who had revealed and frustrated this 'hideous complot.'


Footnotes for Chapter VI

{24} In the Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons
the following questions and answers occur, Mr. Blake questioning and
Major Heany replying:

'Having got the message you went off with it and you got in, as we
see by the evidence, as quickly as you could, and you just gave the
message as accurately as you could to Dr. Jameson?--I read the
message from my note-book absolutely accurately to Dr. Jameson.

'And he did not lose much time in making up his mind?--No; he went
outside his tent. He was in a bell-tent when I arrived and he went
outside and walked up and down for about twenty minutes, and then he
came in and announced his determination.'

{25} In the course of the Inquiry at Westminster, Dr. Jameson
himself took occasion to explain this reference, when answering a
question put by Mr. Sidney Buxton.

Knowing what you do now of the position at Johannesburg, do you think
it was within their power to send out 300 mounted men?--I cannot give
an opinion upon that; I think all their actions were perfectly _bonâ
fide_. There is one telegram here which has been brought up against
me very unpleasantly, which I wish I had never sent, where 'fear' is
imputed in the telegram as it stands here. My explanation is that I
was irritated at the time at the trouble going on, and that I used it
inadvertently, or possibly there is a mistake in deciphering the code
word; as to that I cannot tell, but I am sorry that it should appear
so in the telegram, because I never imputed fear or cowardice to
anyone in connection with anything.

{26} July 1899. The originals have since been photographed and
are here reproduced.

{27} Colonel Francis Rhodes.

{28} Lionel Phillips.

{29} (July, 1899.) Is it not probable that the deleted figures
'2,000' in Colonel Rhodes' letter (see photograph) may account
for some of the talk about 2,000 armed men?

{30} After the arrival in England of the officers of Dr. Jameson's
force, a report dealing with the military aspect of the expedition
was sent by Sir John Willoughby to the War Office. It has been
printed and--to a certain extent--circulated, and cannot therefore
be regarded as private. But apart from this it is a document so
peculiar--so marked by mishandling of notorious facts--that it
deserves no consideration other than it may earn on merits. It is
printed _in extenso_ with notes by a member of the Reform Committee.
See Appendix H.

{31} See Appendix G. It will be noted that in his declarations
Commandant Cronjé modifies his terms very considerably. It was
impossible for any reasonable person to accept the explanation
preferred by him, that the promise to spare the lives of the
surrendered force was only to hold good until they could be handed
over to the Commandant-General. In fact, it is well known that
Commandant Cronjé only took up this attitude after an extremely
acrimonious discussion had taken place between him and Commandant
Malan--a quarrel in which they went the length of making charges
against each other in the public press of treachery and neglect of
duty whilst in the field. The Commandant Cronjé referred to here is
the same gentleman who commanded the Boer forces at Potchefstroom in
the War of Independence, and his record is an extremely unpleasant
one, his conduct of operations having earned for the Potchefstroom
commando the worst reputation of any. Apart from the execution
of several British subjects who were suspected and, on wholly
insufficient grounds, summarily shot as spies, there are the
unpleasant facts that he caused prisoners of war to be placed in the
forefront of the besieging operations and compelled them to work in
the trenches in exposed positions so that they should be--and
actually were--shot by their own comrades. There was also the
incident in which he refused to allow one or two of the ladies who
were among the beleaguered garrison, and who were then in extremely
bad health, to leave the fort to obtain such food and medical
attendance as would enable them to live. One of the ladies died in
consequence. But the incident which has more bearing on Jameson's
surrender than any other is that connected with the armistice, when
Commandant Cronjé, in defiance of treaty obligations, withheld from
Colonel Winslow and the besieged garrison the news that an armistice
had been arranged between the Boer and British forces, and continued
the siege until the garrison, in order to save the lives of the
wounded and the women and children refugees, were obliged to
surrender. It will be remembered that this incident was too much even
for Mr. Gladstone, and that on its becoming known after the terms of
peace had been settled, the Transvaal Government were required by Sir
Evelyn Wood to allow a British force to march up from Natal and
re-occupy Potchefstroom as a formal acknowledgment of Cronjé's
treachery. Mr. Kruger and his party, who were in the greatest fear
that the settlement would not be effected, and that Sir Evelyn Wood's
action might provoke a renewal of hostilities, agreed to the terms,
but with grave apprehensions as to the results. However, no
_contretemps_ occurred.

{32} Once when out hunting on foot--a young man then--Mr. Kruger,
after climbing to the top of a kopje, found that he had been seen by
a number of hostile natives who were then running towards him, some
to climb the hill, others branching out to surround it. He knew that
those on the flat could cut him off before he could descend and that
his only chance lay in 'bluff.' Stepping on to the outermost ledge in
full view of the enemy he calmly laid down his rifle, drew off first
one and then the other of his velschoens (home-made hide shoes, in
those poorer days worn without socks) and after quietly knocking the
sand out of them drew them on again. By this time the natives had
stopped to observe him. He then picked up his rifle again, and
turning to an imaginary force behind the kopje waved to the right and
then to the left, as though directing them to charge round each end
of the hill. The next instant the Kaffirs were in full retreat.




CHAPTER VII.

AFTER DOORNKOP.


The news of Dr. Jameson's surrender was received in Johannesburg
towards mid-day, at first with derision, but as report after report
came in, each confirming and supplementing the other, no room for
doubt was left and a scene of the wildest excitement ensued. It is
not too much to say that not one person in a hundred, no matter what
his political leanings were, had doubted for a moment Dr. Jameson's
ability to force his way into Johannesburg. There is not the
slightest indication in the newspapers of the time, which without
doubt reflected every varying mood and repeated every rumour which it
was possible to catch from an excited people, that there was in any
man's mind a suspicion that the Boers would be able to stop the
invader. In the first place no one believed that they could mobilize
sufficiently quickly to oppose him, and in the second place, he was
understood to have a force of 800 men so admirably equipped and
trained that it would not be possible for 5,000 Boers hurriedly
called together to intercept him. All this, however, was forgotten
when it came to accounting for the disaster; or rather, the previous
convictions only added strength to the rage of disappointment. The
public by that time knew of the letter of invitation; it had been
taken on the battle-field and news of it was telegraphed in, and
apart from this the writers had made no secret of it. But what the
public did not know, and what, if they had known it, would not have
appealed with similar force, was the efforts made to stop Jameson and
the practical withdrawal of the letter before he had started. It
was sufficient for them during the few remaining hours of that day to
recall that Jameson had come in, that he had fought against great
odds, and that when almost reaching his goal he had been taken
prisoner for want of assistance. It is perfectly true that in their
rage of grief and disappointment men were willing to march out with
pick-handles to rescue him, if there were not rifles enough to arm
them. While the excitement lasted this was the mood, and the Reform
Committee were the scapegoats. The attitude of the crowd was due to
ignorance of the circumstances and natural emotion which could not be
otherwise vented. The excitement had greatly abated by the following
morning, and it was realized then that the position was practically
but little worse than that which the Reform Committee had offered
to take up when they tendered their persons as security for the
evacuation of the country by the invading force, and had proposed to
continue the struggle without their aid.

The reports received by the Johannesburg people were to the effect
that the surrender had been conditional upon the sparing of the lives
of the force. Indeed the first reports agreed that Jameson upon
receipt of the High Commissioner's proclamation, had laid down his
arms; but upon the return of Mr. Lace (whose mission has been
explained) it was realized that this was not the case. A later
account showed that Jameson had surrendered to Commandant Cronjé on
the condition that the lives of all should be spared, and this
version of the surrender was published in the Johannesburg
newspapers. When further accounts were received from Pretoria and
Krugersdorp, stating that the surrender had been unconditional and
that there was grave doubt as to what would be done with Dr. Jameson,
it was surmised as an explanation that he had declined to bargain for
his own life and had merely stipulated that those of his followers
should be spared.

On Friday the news that it was contemplated to shoot Dr. Jameson
caused a frenzy of horror and excitement in the town. Every effort
was made by the Reform Committee and its supporters to maintain
strictly the position which the Government had suggested through
their Commission on Wednesday, lest some untoward incident should
turn the trembling balance against Dr. Jameson and his men; nor were
the Committee alone in the desire to maintain that position. On
Friday and on Saturday communications were received from the local
Government officials, and from Commandant-General Joubert through the
British Agent, drawing the attention of the Committee to alleged
breaches of the arrangement. The allegations were satisfactorily
disproved; but the communications clearly indicated that the
Government were most desirous of maintaining the position in relation
to Johannesburg which they had laid down before the first battle with
Dr. Jameson's forces.

Information was received on Thursday that the High Commissioner would
leave Capetown for Pretoria at 9 p.m. that night. It had been a
matter of surprise that, the arrangement having been entered into
with him early on Wednesday, he had not found it convenient to start
for some thirty-six hours. Considering how seriously he had
interfered with the movement--first by his proclamation, and next by
concerted action with the Government for a peaceful settlement--it
had been naturally assumed that he would not lose a moment in leaving
Capetown for the scene of trouble. Such however was not the case.

It has been alleged that the arrangement made between the Transvaal
Government and the High Commissioner with a view to a peaceful
settlement bore only upon Dr. Jameson's action, and that it was not
contemplated that there should be any interference between the
Government and its own subjects in Johannesburg. In answer to this it
may be noted that the High Commissioner had in the first place
offered his services, and that those services had been declined by
the Transvaal Government; but that the latter, on realizing the
seriousness of the position which they were called upon to face, and
acting, it is stated, upon the advice of Mr. J.H. Hofmeyr, the
recognized leader of the Dutch Africanders in the Cape Colony,
reconsidered this refusal and urgently besought the High Commissioner
to go up to Pretoria and use his influence to effect a peaceful
settlement. This arrangement, together with the promise of the
redress of grievances, had been made known to the deputation of the
Reform Committee by the Government Commission in Pretoria, as has
already been stated--the Government well knowing that Johannesburg
was in arms and a party to the arrangement with Dr. Jameson.

Dr. Jameson surrendered at 9.30 a.m. on Thursday. The High
Commissioner did not leave Capetown until 9 p.m. the same day. There
had therefore been ample time for the Government to intimate to him
their opinion that matters had been satisfactorily settled and that
they did not need his services any longer, had they held such an
opinion. As a matter of fact, that was by no means their opinion.
They considered that they had yet to deal with 20,000 armed men in
Johannesburg, and that they had to do that, if possible, without
provoking a civil war, which would inevitably result in the long-run
to their disadvantage, however great their success might be over the
Johannesburg people in the meantime. They not only allowed the High
Commissioner to proceed to Pretoria on the understanding originally
effected, but they took steps to remind the Reform Committee on
several occasions that they were expected to adhere to the
arrangement entered into. And such was the position when the High
Commissioner arrived on the night of Saturday, the 4th.

Sir Hercules Robinson proceeded direct to Pretoria, but did not
transact any business until Monday, abstaining, in deference to the
feelings of the Boers, from any discussion of business matters on the
Sabbath. On Sunday, however, he received information from the Reform
Committee as to the arrangements entered into with the Government. He
was also informed that threats had been made by persons who without
doubt were speaking the mind of the Government, that if any trouble
should take place with Johannesburg Dr. Jameson and probably many of
his comrades would be shot. It was not stated that the Transvaal
Government or authorities would officially countenance any such act
or would authorize it even as the result of a trial; but the
statement which was made by everyone from the President downward was
that, in the event of any fighting in Johannesburg, the burghers
would be so much enraged and so beyond control that the prisoners who
had caused all the trouble would inevitably be shot. It is a part
of Boer diplomacy to make as much use as possible of every weapon
that comes to hand without too great a regard for the decencies of
government as they occur to the minds of every civilized people, and
it is not at all unusual to find the President proclaiming at one
moment that some course must be taken to prevent disaster, for the
reason that he cannot be answerable for his burghers in their excited
state, and at another moment indignantly repudiating the suggestion
that they would be guilty of any step that could be considered
unworthy of the most civilized of peoples. In fact such exhibitions
were repeatedly given by him at a later stage when dealing with the
Reform prisoners.

Before any communication was received from the High Commissioner on
Monday messages had been received by the members of the Reform
Committee to the effect that the laying down of arms would be
absolutely necessary to ensure the safety of Jameson and his men. The
Reform Committee had then learnt that the two messengers sent to stop
Dr. Jameson--Major Heany and Captain Holden--had reached him, and had
come in with him, and were at that moment prisoners with him in
Pretoria. They had also heard of the reception accorded to Sir
Jacobus de Wet's despatch and the High Commissioner's proclamation,
so that it was abundantly clear that the incursion had been made in
defiance of the wishes of the leaders, whatever other reasons there
might have been to prompt it. But the public who constituted the
movement were still under the impression that Dr. Jameson was a very
fine fellow who had come in in a chivalrous manner to help those whom
he had believed to be in distress. There was however no division of
opinion as to what should be done; even those who felt most sore
about the position in which they had been placed did not hesitate for
a moment. The first and for the time being the only consideration was
the safety of Dr. Jameson and his comrades.

The events and negotiations of the days preceding the arrest of the
Reformers have been the subject of so much discussion and so much
misunderstanding that it will be better as far as possible to compile
the history from original documents or the published and properly
authenticated copies. In Blue Book [C. 7,933] the following is
published:

SIR HERCULES ROBINSON (Pretoria) to MR. CHAMBERLAIN.

(_Telegraphic. Received 1.8 a.m., 6th January, 1896._)

_5th January_. No. 3.--Arrived here last night. Position of affairs
very critical. On side of Government of South African Republic and of
Orange Free State there is a desire to show moderation, but Boers
show tendency to get out of hand and to demand execution of Jameson.
I am told that Government of South African Republic will demand
disarmament of Johannesburg as a condition precedent to negotiations.
Their military preparations are now practically complete, and
Johannesburg, if besieged, could not hold out, as they are short of
water and coal. On side of Johannesburg leaders desire to be
moderate, but men make safety of Jameson and concession of items in
manifesto issued conditions precedent to disarmament. If these are
refused, they assert they will elect their own leaders and fight it
out in their own way. As the matter now stands, I see great
difficulty in avoiding civil war; but I will do my best, and
telegraph result of my official interview to-morrow. It is said that
President of South African Republic intends to make some demands with
respect to Article No. 4 of the London Convention of 1884.

MR. CHAMBERLAIN to SIR HERCULES ROBINSON.

(_Telegraphic. January 6, 1896._)

_6th January_. No. 3.--It is reported in the press telegrams the
President of the South African Republic on December 30 held out
definite hopes that concessions would be proposed in regard to
education and the franchise. No overt act of hostility appears to
have been committed by the Johannesburg people since the overthrow of
Jameson. The statement that arms and ammunition are stored in that
town in large quantities may be only one of many boasts without
foundation. Under these circumstances, active measures against the
town do not seem to be urgently required at the present moment, and I
hope no step will be taken by the President of the South African
Republic liable to cause more bloodshed and excite civil war in the
Republic.

These are followed in the same volume by No. 89:

SIR HERCULES ROBINSON (Pretoria) to MR. CHAMBERLAIN.

(_Telegraphic. Received 7th January, 1896._)

_6th January_. No. 2.--Met President South African Republic and
Executive Council to-day. Before opening proceedings, I expressed on
behalf of Her Majesty's Government my sincere regret at the
unwarrantable raid made by Jameson; also thanked Government of South
African Republic for the moderation shown under trying circumstances.
With regard to Johannesburg, President of South African Republic
announced decision of Government to be that Johannesburg must lay
down its arms unconditionally as a precedent to any discussion and
consideration of grievances. I endeavoured to obtain some indication
of the steps that would be taken in the event of disarmament, but
without success, it being intimated that Government of South African
Republic had nothing more to say on this subject than had been
already embodied in proclamation of President of South African
Republic. I inquired as to whether any decision had been come to as
regards disposal of prisoners, and received a reply in the negative.
President of South African Republic said that, as his burghers, to
number of 8,000, had been collected, and could not be asked to remain
indefinitely, he must request a reply, 'Yes' or 'No,' to this
ultimatum within twenty-four hours. I have communicated decision of
South African Republic to Reform Committee at Johannesburg through
British Agent in South African Republic.

The burgher levies are in such an excited state over the invasion of
their country that I believe President of South African Republic
could not control them except in the event of unconditional
surrender. I have privately recommended them to accept ultimatum.
Proclamation of President of South African Republic refers to promise
to consider all grievances which are properly submitted, and to lay
the same before the Legislature without delay.

On January 7 Mr. Chamberlain replied:

No. 1.--I approve of your advice to Johannesburg. Kruger will be wise
not to proceed to extremities at Johannesburg or elsewhere; otherwise
the evil animosities already aroused may be dangerously excited.

And on the same day Sir Hercules Robinson telegraphed:

No. 1.--Your telegram of January 6, No. 2. It would be most
inexpedient to send troops to Mafeking at this moment, and there is
not the slightest necessity for such a step, as there is no danger
from Kimberley volunteer corps or from Mafeking. I have sent De Wet
with ultimatum this morning to Johannesburg, and believe arms will be
laid down unconditionally. I understand in such case Jameson and all
prisoners will be handed over to me. Prospect now very hopeful if no
injudicious steps are taken. Please leave matter in my hands.

On Monday Sir Jacobus de Wet, acting under the instructions of the
High Commissioner, telegraphed from Pretoria to the Reform Committee,
Johannesburg, informing them that the High Commissioner had seen the
President and Executive that morning, that he had been informed that
as a condition precedent to the discussion and consideration of
grievances the Government required that the Johannesburg people
should lay down their arms; and that the Government gave them
twenty-four hours--from 4 p.m. that day--in which to accept or reject
that ultimatum. The Committee replied that it would receive their
earnest consideration.

Notwithstanding the fact that such a condition had been anticipated
the ultimatum was very unfavourably received, a large number of those
present protesting that the Uitlanders were being led little by
little into a trap, that the Boers as was their wont would never keep
faith with them, that in the end they would find themselves
betrayed, and that it would be better at no matter what cost to make
a fight for it and attempt to rescue Dr. Jameson and his party. The
last suggestion was a mad one, and after some consideration, and
hearing the representations of Sir Sidney Shippard and Mr. Seymour
Fort, who had been in communication with the High Commissioner on the
previous day in Pretoria and were used by him as unofficial agents,
the matter was more calmly considered by the Committee. It was very
well realized that a struggle between Johannesburg and the Boer
forces would have been an absolutely hopeless one for those who took
part in it, but there was a determination to secure the objects for
the attainment of which the agitation had been started, and it was
believed that if a firm stand were taken, such was the justice of the
cause of the Uitlanders that the Government would not be able to
refuse definite terms as to what reforms they would introduce,
besides assuring the safety of Dr. Jameson.

While the discussion was proceeding another telegram was received
from the British Agent saying that, under instructions from the High
Commissioner, he was proceeding in person to Johannesburg to meet the
Reform Committee and explain matters to them. The meeting took place
on the morning of Tuesday, and Sir Jacobus de Wet pointed out to the
Committee the perilous position in which Dr. Jameson and his comrades
were placed, owing to the hesitation of the Uitlanders to accept the
ultimatum of the Government. He read again and again the following
telegram from the High Commissioner, which had been despatched from
Pretoria early that morning and received by the British Agent in
Johannesburg when on his way to meet the Reform Committee:

_Urgent_.--You should inform the Johannesburg people that I consider
that if they lay down their arms they will be acting loyally and
honourably, and that if they do not comply with my request they
forfeit all claim to sympathy from Her Majesty's Government and from
British subjects throughout the world, as the lives of Jameson and
the prisoners are now practically in their hands.

In reply to remarks about grievances, Sir Jacobus de Wet stated that
the Uitlanders could not expect under the circumstances anything
more favourable than the discussion and consideration of the
grievances with the High Commissioner, as had been promised, and
added that, if there were any spirit of reason in the community at
all, they would be content to leave their case in the hands of so
experienced a statesman as Sir Hercules Robinson, a man whose
instinct and training were towards fair and decent government.

In the course of a very long discussion, Sir Jacobus de Wet was asked
if he did not consider the Boer Government capable of an act of
treachery such as disarming the community and then proceeding to
wreak their vengeance upon those whom they might consider responsible
for the agitation. According to the evidence of a number of those who
were present, his reply was that 'not a hair of the head of any man
in Johannesburg would be touched.' The discussion was resumed at
various times and in various forms, when different groups of men had
opportunities of questioning the British Agent themselves. When
questioned again more definitely as to whether this immunity would be
extended to the leaders--those who had signed the letter--Sir Jacobus
de Wet replied again in the affirmative. To another member, who had
asked the same question in another form, he said 'Not one among you
will lose his personal liberty for a single hour. John Bull would
never allow it.' In reply to the remark, 'John Bull has had to put up
with a good deal in this country. What do you mean by "John Bull"?'
he answered, 'I mean the British Government could not possibly allow
such a thing.'

It would have been an easy and no doubt a proper and reasonable
precaution had the Reformers insisted upon a statement in writing of
the terms upon which they laid down their arms. There were however
two considerations which weighed against any bargain of this sort.
The first was the overwhelming and paramount consideration of
insuring Dr. Jameson's safety; and the other was the belief (not
seriously shaken by suggestions to the contrary) that the Government
would be obliged to abide by the spirit of the terms arranged on
January 1, because the High Commissioner would insist upon it as the
vital condition under which he was endeavouring to effect the
disarmament of Johannesburg. That Sir Hercules Robinson well
realized his responsibility to the Uitlander, but found it
inconvenient or impossible to accept it at a later stage, is shown by
his own reports. On January 7 he telegraphed to Mr. Chamberlain as
follows:

_Your telegram No. 3 of January 6. I need now only say that I have
just received a message from Reform Committee resolving to comply
with demand of South African Republic to lay down their arms; the
people placing themselves (? and) their interests unreservedly in my
hands in the fullest confidence that I will see justice done to them.
I have received also the following from British agent, dated 7th
January:_

_Begins:_ I have sent the following telegram to His Honour the
President:

I have met the Reform Committee. Am gratified with the spirit shown
in the discussion of the all-important present position. The
Committee handed me the following resolution--_Begins:_ The Reform
Committee in Johannesburg, having seriously considered the ultimatum
of the Government of the South African Republic communicated to them
through Her Majesty's Agent at Pretoria, in a telegram dated 6th
instant, to the effect that Johannesburg must lay down its arms as a
condition precedent to a discussion and consideration of grievances,
have unanimously decided to comply with this demand, and have given
instructions to the citizens employed by this Committee for
maintaining good order to lay down their arms. In coming to this
determination, the Committee rely upon the Government that it will
maintain law and order, and protect life and property in this town at
this critical juncture. The Committee have been actuated by a
paramount desire to do everything possible to ensure the safety of
Dr. Jameson and his men, _to advance the amicable discussion of terms
of settlement with the Government, and to support the High
Commissioner in his efforts in this respect_. The Committee would
draw the attention of the Government of the Republic to the presence
of armed burgher forces in the immediate vicinity of this town, and
would earnestly desire that these forces be removed in order to avoid
all risk of any disturbance of the public peace. _Resolution ends_. I
wish to add to my above remarks that I feel convinced there will be
no further difficulty in connection with the laying down of their
arms. I would suggest that the Government co-operate with the Reform
Committee for a day or two for the purpose of restoring the town to
its normal state. This will only take a day or two, and those who are
excited among the people will by that time have calmed down, and the
police can resume their ordinary duties. The Committee will
co-operate in this matter. This course will very much facilitate the
task of your Government if it meets with your approval. _Ends_.

The High Commissioner concluded the above telegram with the following
significant sentence:

_I hope now to be able to confer with President of the South African
Republic and Executive Council as to prisoners and the redress of
Johannesburg grievances_.

On the 8th he again telegraphed:

Referring to your telegram of the 7th inst., No. 1, I consider that
so far throughout this matter Kruger has behaved very well. He
suspended hostilities pending my arrival, when Johannesburg was at
his mercy; and in opposition to a very general feeling of the
Executive Council and of the burghers who have been clamouring for
Jameson's life, he has now determined to hand over Jameson and the
other prisoners. If Jameson had been tried here there can be no doubt
that he would have been shot, and perhaps some of his colleagues
also. The excitement of the public is now calmed down.

I shall try to-day to make arrangements with Kruger as to taking over
the prisoners, and _I will confer with him as to redressing the
grievances of the residents of Johannesburg on the basis of your
telegram of the 4th inst. I have given Kruger a copy of that
telegram._'

And later on the same day:

Since my telegram No. 1 of this morning, matters have not been going
so smoothly. When the Executive Council met, I received a message
that only 1,814 rifles and three Maxim guns had been surrendered,
which the Government of the South African Republic did not consider a
fulfilment of the ultimatum, and orders would be immediately issued
to a commando to attack Johannesburg. I at once replied that the
ultimatum required the surrender of guns and ammunition for which no
permit of importation had been obtained, and that onus rested with
Transvaal Government to show that guns and ammunition were concealed
for which no permit had been issued. If before this was done any
hostile step were taken against Johannesburg, I should consider it to
be a violation of the undertaking for which I had made myself
personally responsible to the people of Johannesburg, and I should
leave the issue in hands of Her Majesty's Government. This had a
sobering effect, and the order for the attack on Johannesburg was
countermanded, and it was arranged that the Transvaal officials
should accompany Her Majesty's Agent to Johannesburg and point out to
him if they could where arms were concealed. Her Majesty's Agent left
at 1 p.m. to-day for Johannesburg for this purpose.

The explanation of the change, I take it, is that Kruger has great
difficulties to contend with among his own people. The apparent
object is to prove that people of Johannesburg have not fulfilled the
conditions which were to precede the handing over of the prisoners
and consideration of grievances. I should not be surprised if, before
releasing the prisoners or redressing grievances, an attempt were now
made to extort an alteration of the London Convention of 1884, and
the abrogation of Article No. 4 of that instrument. _I intend, if I
find that the Johannesburg people have substantially complied with
the ultimatum, to insist on the fulfilment of promises as regards
prisoners and consideration of grievances_, and will not allow at
this stage the introduction of any fresh conditions as regards the
London Convention of 1884. Do you approve?

The Reform Committee published the following official notice on
Tuesday afternoon:

The Reform Committee notify hereby that all rifles issued for the
defence of life and property in town and the mines are to be returned
at once to the Central Office in order to enable the Committee to
carry out the agreement with the Government, upon the faithful
observance of which so much is dependent.