impossibility of aggressive measures being successful, to take no
initiative against the Boers. It would in any case have been entirely
useless to suggest the repudiation of Dr. Jameson at that moment. The
Johannesburg people would never have listened to such a suggestion,
nor could anyone have been found to make it.

In view of the fact that the Reform Committee have been charged with
the crime of plunging the country into civil war with a miserable
equipment of less than 3,000 rifles, it is only fair to give some
heed to the conditions as they were at the time and to consider
whether any other course would have been practicable, and if
practicable, whether it would have been in the interests of any
considerable section of the community. To the Committee the course to
be taken seemed perfectly clear. They determined to defend and hold
the town. They threw off all disguise, got in all the arms they
possibly could, organized the various military corps, and made
arrangements for the maintenance of order in the town and on the
mines. Throughout Monday night all were engaged in getting in arms
and ammunition and doing all that could be done to enable the town to
hold its own against possible attack.

During Monday night the Reform Committee came into existence. Those
who had so far taken a prominent part in the agitation had been for
convenience utilizing Colonel Rhodes' office in the Consolidated
Goldfields Company's building. Many prominent men came forward
voluntarily to associate themselves with the movement, and as the
numbers increased and work had to be apportioned it became evident
that some organization would be necessary. Those who had already
taken part in the movement formed themselves into a committee, and
many other prominent men joined immediately. The movement being an
entirely public one it was open for anyone to join provided he
could secure the approval of the already elected members. The body so
constituted was then called the Reform Committee.

The following is the first notice of the Reform Committee as
published in the _Johannesburg Star_; and it indicates the position
taken up:

Notice is hereby given that this Committee adheres to the National
Union manifesto, and reiterates its desire to maintain the
independence of the Republic. The fact that rumours are in course of
circulation to the effect that a force has crossed the Bechuanaland
border renders it necessary to take active steps for the defence of
Johannesburg and the preservation of order. The Committee earnestly
desires that the inhabitants should refrain from taking any action
which can be considered as an overt act of hostility against the
Government.

Telegrams were sent to the High Commissioner and to the Premier of
Cape Colony informing them that owing to the starting of Dr. Jameson
with an armed force into the Transvaal Johannesburg had been placed
in a position of extreme peril which they were utterly unprepared to
guard against, and urging the High Commissioner to proceed
immediately to Johannesburg in order to settle matters and prevent a
civil war.

Sub-committees were at once appointed, partly chosen from members of
the Reform Committee and partly from others who had interested
themselves in the movement and had come forward to take part but had
not actually joined the controlling body. The matters to be dealt
with were: The policing of the town; the control of the natives
thrown out of employment by the closing of the mines; the
arrangements for the defence of the town; the commissariat for the
men bearing arms and for others who were flocking into the town; the
providing for the women and children who had been brought in from the
mines and had neither food nor shelter. These matters were taken in
hand on Tuesday morning, and before nightfall some 2,000 men had been
supplied with arms; the Maxims had been brought in and placed in
position on the hills surrounding the town; various corps had been
formed; a commencement had been made in the throwing-up of earthworks
around the town; and food-supplies and such field equipment as could
be got together had been provided for the men. As regards the town,
the Government police having disappeared, it was necessary to take
energetic steps to prevent actual chaos reigning. Ex-Chief Detective
Trimble was appointed to organize a police force, and the work was
admirably done. Before nightfall the Reform Committee's police had
taken entire charge of the town, and from this time until the
withdrawal of the Committee's police after the laying down of arms,
perfect order was maintained--indeed, the town has never before or
since been so efficiently controlled as during this period.

Numbers of the mines stopped work. In some cases the miners remained
to protect the companies' property; in other cases the men came in
and volunteered to carry arms in defence of the town. One of the most
serious difficulties with which the Committee had to deal was that of
supplying arms. There were under 3,000 rifles, and during the few
days when the excitement was at its highest no less than 20,000 men
came forward as volunteers and demanded to be armed. Not unnaturally
a great deal of feeling was roused among these men against the
Committee on account of their inability to arm them. It was believed
for a long time that the Committee was wholly responsible for the
incursion by Dr. Jameson; that they had precipitated matters without
regard to the safety of the unarmed population, and had actually
courted civil war with a paltry equipment of some 3,000 rifles. For
several days a huge crowd surrounded the Committee's offices
clamouring for guns. It is difficult to say what the feeling would
have been and what would have been done had it been known then that
there were less than 3,000 rifles. Not more than a dozen men knew the
actual number, and they decided to take the responsibility of
withholding this information, for they realized that panic and riot
might ensue if it were known, whilst the only hope for a successful
issue now lay in Johannesburg presenting a bold, confident, and
united front.

All the well-known medical men in the town came forward at once, and
organized and equipped an ambulance corps which within the day was in
perfect working order.

Perhaps the most arduous task of all was that of the Commissariat
Department, who were called upon to supply at a few hours' notice the
men bearing arms in various positions outside the town and the
various depots within the town which were organized for the relief
of those who had flocked in unprovided for. It would have been
impossible, except in a community where the great majority of men had
been trained by the nature of their own business in the habit of
organization, to cope with the difficulties which here presented
themselves, and it is impossible to pay too high tribute to those who
organized the relief of the women and children from the surrounding
districts. Not less than 2,000 women and children were housed and fed
on Tuesday night; offices were taken possession of in different parts
of the town and converted into barracks, where sleeping accommodation
was provided under excellent sanitary conditions; and abundance of
food, as good as could be expected at an ordinary hotel, was supplied
to these people who had come in expecting to sleep in the streets.

In order to carry into effect the scheme of relief above referred to
it was found necessary to form what was called the Relief Committee.
A fund was opened to provide this Committee with the necessary means,
and members of the Reform Committee subscribed upwards of £80,000
within a few minutes of the opening of the lists.

The native liquor question also called for prompt and determined
handling. A deputation from the Committee called upon the Landdrost,
the official head of the Licensing Board, and requested the
co-operation of the Government in dealing with this matter, and an
order was obtained from him compulsorily closing the canteens until
further notice. Armed with this the officials appointed by the
Committee visited the various liquor-houses along the mines and gave
due notice, with the further warning that if any breach of the new
regulation took place it would be followed by the confiscation of the
entire stock of liquor. The measure generally had a very salutary
effect, but in the lowest quarters it was not sufficient. The
Committee had realized in the very beginning that nothing but the
removal of the liquor would prevent the Kaffir canteen-keepers from
supplying the natives with drink, and patrols were accordingly sent
out to seize the entire stock in those drinking-hells, to pay
compensation at value agreed upon, and to destroy the liquor. The
step was no doubt a high-handed one, and before it was taken notice
was given to the Government officials of the intention. The Committee
were warned that this action could not be authorized by Government,
as it was both high-handed and illegal, but they decided to take the
responsibility upon themselves. It is not too much to say that there
were fewer cases of drunkenness or violence reported during the
period of trouble than during any other fortnight in the history of
the place.

The following proclamation had been issued by the President at a very
late hour on Monday night in Pretoria, and was received in
Johannesburg on Tuesday morning:

PROCLAMATION BY HIS HONOUR THE STATE PRESIDENT OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN
REPUBLIC.

Whereas it has appeared to the Government of the South African
Republic that there are rumours in circulation to the effect that
earnest endeavours are being made to endanger the public safety of
Johannesburg, and whereas the Government is convinced that, in case
such rumours may contain any truth, such endeavours can only emanate
from a small portion of the inhabitants, and that the greater portion
of the Johannesburg inhabitants are peaceful, and are prepared to
support the Government in its endeavours to maintain law and order,

Now, know you that I, Stephanus Johannes Paulus Kruger, State
President of the South African Republic, with the advice and consent
of the Executive Council, according to Article 913 of its
minutes, dated the 30th of December, 1895, do hereby warn those
evil-intentioned persons (as I do hereby urge all such persons to do)
to remain within the pale of the law, and all such persons not
heeding this warning shall do so on their own responsibility; and I
do further make known that life and property shall be protected
against which attempts may be made, and that every peaceful
inhabitant of Johannesburg, of whatsoever nationality he may be, is
called upon to support me herein, and to assist the officials charged
therewith; and further be it made known that the Government is still
prepared to take into consideration all grievances that may be laid
before it in a proper manner, and to submit the same to the people of
the land without delay for treatment.

The Government in Pretoria were no doubt perfectly well aware of all
that was going on; the Committee could not possibly observe any
secrecy, nor did it appear desirable, since the position taken up and
maintained by them to the end was that they were not responsible for
Dr. Jameson's incursion and were simply prepared to defend the town
against attack.

During the four or five days preceding this the evidences of
excitement in Johannesburg had been unmistakable, and on Saturday
the 28th, the day before Dr. Jameson started, several prominent
officials and two or three members of the Volksraad visited
Johannesburg from Pretoria and openly discussed the seriousness
of the position. At that time they were strongly of opinion that
the Government had brought the trouble on themselves by their
wrong-headed and corrupt action. The visitors were men who although
officially associated with the Government were not at all in sympathy
with the policy of the Krugerite party, and they were sincerely
anxious for a peaceful settlement and desirous of liberal reforms,
but their influence with the Government was nil. Unfortunately it has
always been the case that intelligent and upright men associated with
the Pretoria Government (and there are some as bright examples as can
be found in any country) never have, and never will have, any weight
with the party now dominating the State. Their services are not used
as they might be, and their counsels are not regarded as they should
be in times when they would be of value; in fact, it would seem that
they are only used when it appears to Mr. Kruger and his party that
they present opportunities for playing upon the credulity of the
Uitlanders with whose progressive notions they are known to be in
sympathy. It is unnecessary to say that these gentlemen do not
consciously take part in the deception which is practised, but it is
nevertheless a fact that whenever the Pretoria clique desire to trail
the red herring they do it by the employment in seeming good faith of
one or other of those gentlemen whose character and sympathies
entitle them to the respect and confidence of the Uitlander.

On Tuesday Mr. Eugene Marais, the editor of the leading Dutch paper
_Land en Volk_, a gentleman who has worked consistently and
honourably both for his people, the Transvaal Dutch, and for the
cause of pure and enlightened government, visited Johannesburg, being
convinced that there was serious trouble in store for the country
unless prompt and decisive steps were taken to remedy the conditions
under which the Rand community were suffering. No one in the country
has fought harder against the abuses which exist in Pretoria nor has
anyone risked more, nor yet is there a more loyal champion of the
Boer; and Mr. Marais, having on his own initiative investigated the
condition of affairs in Johannesburg and reported the result to some
of the leading members of the Government, telegraphed to a member
of the Committee on Tuesday morning beseeching that body to make a
strenuous effort to avert bloodshed, using the words, 'For God's
sake, let us meet and settle things like men!' and further stating
that he and Mr. Malan, son-in-law of General Joubert, were bringing
over a message from the Government, and that he hoped the Committee
would meet them in a reasonable spirit.

A full meeting of the Committee was at once called to receive the two
delegates. The meeting took place at 9 p.m. and lasted until 12 p.m.
on Tuesday night. Mr. Marais's evidence during the course of the
trial detailed the events which led up to this meeting. He stated
that in consequence of what he had observed in Johannesburg on Monday
and Tuesday he returned to Pretoria, convinced that unless something
was done by Government to relieve the position there would most
inevitably be a civil war. He reported the condition of things to
General Joubert, who deemed it of sufficient importance to have the
matter brought before the Executive. Messrs. Marais and Malan were
thereupon received by the Executive and authorized to meet the Reform
Committee on behalf of the Government. With reference to the now
famous 'olive branch' phrase, Mr. Marais states that the expression
was first used by a member of the Committee in Johannesburg on
Tuesday morning. The condition of things was being discussed and this
member commented severely upon the action of the Government. Mr.
Marais urged that things were not so bad as to justify a determined
attempt to provoke civil war, and stated that he believed that the
excitement prevailing would convince the Government that they had now
gone too far and that when they realized the seriousness of the
position they would be willing to make proper concessions, and he
said in conclusion that the people of Johannesburg, if they were as
good as their professions and desired reform and not revolution,
would even at the eleventh hour be willing to meet the Government.
The member of the Reform Committee replied that this was undoubtedly
the attitude of the Johannesburg people, but that it was
absolutely useless to keep on patiently waiting for the fulfilment of
promises which were only made to be broken; that if Johannesburg had
any evidence that the Government meant honestly by them they would of
course treat and endeavour to avert bloodshed; that the Uitlanders
had so far always offered the olive branch and sought to establish
harmony. That however was all over, and let the Government now take
the first steps if they were in earnest.

Mr. Marais reported the whole of this conversation to the Executive
Council and, upon his making use of the expression 'olive branch,'
the President exclaimed excitedly, 'What are they talking about? What
is an olive branch?' When this was explained to him he nodded and
said, 'Yes, that is what we will do,' and Mr. Wolmarans another
member of the Executive exclaimed, 'Go back to the Johannesburg
people and tell them that we have already offered the olive branch by
voluntarily withdrawing our police from the town in order to avoid
conflict, thus leaving them in entire possession. It is for them to
say whether they will accept it.'

The meeting at which Messrs. Marais and Malan were commissioned to
negotiate with the Johannesburg people was, with the exception of
General Smit (then dying and since dead), attended by every member of
the Executive Council, and there is no truth in the suggestion made
on behalf of the Government that it was an informal meeting of a few
men who were not acting on behalf of the State, nor is there any
justification for the statement made by Judge Ameshof in the
witness-box that Messrs. Marais and Malan were not officially
authorized to negotiate with the Reform Committee.

Messrs. Marais and Malan met the Reform Committee in the general
committee-room, and both gentlemen addressed the meeting several
times, going fully into the grievances complained of by the
Uitlanders and explaining very fully the position of the Government
and their attitude during the meeting of the Executive Council which
they had been called upon to attend. They stated that they had been
sent by a full meeting of the Executive to ask the Reform Committee
to send a deputation to Pretoria in order to meet a Commission to
be appointed by Government with a view to effecting a peaceful
settlement and the redress of grievances; that the Commission would
consist of Chief Justice Kotzé, Judge Ameshof, and another, probably
a member of the Executive Council; that the Government were willing
to consider and redress the grievances, and were, above all things,
anxious to avoid conflict with their own subjects.

Then came the much-quoted expression: 'We come in fact to offer you
the olive branch; it is for you to say if you will take it; if you
are sincere in your professions, you will.' A great deal of
discussion took place, many members of the Committee maintaining
that, although they placed full confidence in the gentlemen who had
been sent by Government, they were nevertheless convinced that there
was treachery at the bottom of it, and they stated in plain language
what has become more or less an article of faith with the Uitlander:
'Whenever the Government are earnestly intent upon deceiving us they
select emissaries in whose character and good faith we have complete
trust, and by deceiving them ensure that we shall be misled.' Both
gentlemen repeatedly assured the meeting that the Government were
most anxious to remove the causes of discontent, and stated moreover
that Johannesburg would get practically all that was asked for in the
Manifesto. When asked what was meant by 'practically all,' they
explained that there would be some minor points of course on which
Johannesburg would have to give way in order to meet the Government,
as their position was also a very difficult one, and there were in
particular two matters on which there would be some difficulty, but
by no means insurmountable. When asked if the two matters were the
removal of religious disabilities and the franchise, one of the two
gentlemen replied that he had been told that there would be some
difficulty on these two points, but that they were quite open to
discussion as to the details and he was convinced that there would
surely be a means of coming to an understanding by compromise even on
these two. Messrs. Marais and Malan also informed the meeting that
the High Commissioner had issued a proclamation calling upon Dr.
Jameson to desist from the invasion and to return to British
territory at once; that the proclamation had been duly forwarded
to him from several points; and that there was no doubt that he would
turn back. Messrs. Marais and Malan both stated that they were
themselves proceeding with the commando against Dr. Jameson should he
fail to obey the High Commissioner's mandate, and stated also that
although they were making every effort that was humanly possible to
avert conflict it must be clearly understood that if from the
unreasonable action of Johannesburg fighting took place between the
Government forces and a revolutionary force from Johannesburg, they
as in duty bound would fight for their Government, and that in the
Government ranks would be found those men who had been the most
arduous workers in the cause of reform. They were assured that there
was no such feeling as desire for revenge actuating the people who
had taken up arms, that it was simply a desire for fair treatment and
decent government, that the present demand was what had been already
detailed in the Manifesto, and that the Committee stood by that
document, but would nevertheless accept as sufficient for the time
being any reasonable proportion of the redress demanded.

In spite of differences as to the motives of the Government in
holding out the olive branch it was decided unanimously that the
request as conveyed by Messrs. Marais and Malan should be complied
with, and that a deputation should be sent over early on the
following morning to meet the Government Commission. Under the
circumstances it was quite useless to discuss whether the Government
designed these negotiations merely as a ruse in order to gain time,
or whether they were actually dealing with the Committee in good
faith and intending to effect the redress promised. At that time
Johannesburg itself had not been protected by earthworks, and the
unpacking of the Maxims and rifles had only just been completed.
Throughout Tuesday night and Wednesday earthworks were being thrown
up, and every effort was being directed towards placing the town in a
state of defence.




CHAPTER V.

THE COMMITTEE'S DILEMMA.


With the best will in the world it would have been quite impossible
to render any assistance to Dr. Jameson's forces, but apart from this
there never was the slightest doubt of his ability to get into
Johannesburg without assistance should he decide to attempt it. In
conversation with the leaders of the movement he had always scouted
the idea of requiring assistance from Johannesburg, nor would anyone
have believed that with a well-equipped and perfectly trained force
of 800 men (as it was believed he had) it was possible for the Boers
to get together a force sufficiently strong to stop him in his dash
on Johannesburg.

In the absence of Mr. Charles Leonard, who had been recognized as the
leader of the movement, Mr. Lionel Phillips was elected Chairman of
the Reform Committee, and he and Messrs. J.G. Auret, A. Bailey, and
M. Langermann were chosen as the Committee's deputation to proceed to
Pretoria and meet the Commission appointed by the Government. They
left at an early hour on Wednesday morning, and were given
practically a free hand to act on behalf of the Reform Committee. The
position having been so thoroughly discussed there was no possibility
of misunderstanding; there was no division in the Committee as to the
attitude to be taken up. The deputation were to negotiate with the
Government for a peaceful settlement on the basis of the Manifesto,
accepting what they might consider to be a reasonable instalment of
the reforms demanded. They were to deal with the Government in a
conciliatory spirit and to avoid all provocation to civil strife, but
at the same time to insist upon the recognition of rights and the
redress of the grievances, to avow the association with Dr. Jameson's
forces so far as it had existed, and to include him in any settlement
that might be made. It was impossible to lay down any definite
lines on which to negotiate on behalf of Dr. Jameson, as the Reform
Committee were still in complete ignorance of his reasons for
starting; but it was considered fairer and more reasonable to assume
that he had started in good faith and that the two messengers who had
been sent to stop him had not reached him, and to act accordingly.
However awkward a predicament he had placed the Johannesburg people
in, they accepted a certain moral responsibility for him and his
actions and decided to make his safety the first consideration.

Late on Tuesday night the Collector of Customs at Johannesburg
informed members of the Reform Committee that he had received a
telegraphic despatch from the Pretoria head office notifying the
suspension of all duties on various articles of food. It will be
remembered that this relief was prayed for by the representative
bodies of mining and commerce on the Rand several weeks before the
outbreak and that the Government had replied that they were unable
during the recess to deal with the matter as the legislative power
and the power of levying and remitting duties had been taken from the
Executive by the Volksraad some time previously. It will also be
remembered that the Government acted on this hint as to the
necessities of the community in a wholly unexpected way by granting a
monopoly for the free importation of grain to a favoured individual
of their party in Pretoria. It is not wonderful therefore that the
notification conveyed by the Collector of Customs was received with
considerable derision, and the opinion was expressed that it would
have redounded more to the credit of the Government's honesty and
intelligence had they remitted the duties when first petitioned
instead of doing so at the last moment hastily and ungracefully--so
to speak, at the point of the bayonet.

On Wednesday morning, whilst the deputation were engaged in
negotiations with the Government Commission, a telegram was received
by the Reform Committee in Johannesburg from Sir Jacobus de Wet,
the British agent, conveying the following proclamation of the High
Commissioner:

Whereas it has come to my knowledge that certain British subjects,
said to be under the leadership of Dr. Jameson, have violated
the territory of the South African Republic, and have cut
telegraph-wires, and done various other illegal acts; and whereas the
South African Republic is a friendly State, in amity with Her
Majesty's Government; and whereas it is my desire to respect the
independence of the said State;

Now, therefore, I hereby command the said Dr. Jameson and all persons
accompanying him to immediately retire from the territory of the
South African Republic, on pain of the penalties attached to their
illegal proceedings; and I do further hereby call upon all British
subjects in the South African Republic to abstain from giving the
said Dr. Jameson any countenance or assistance in his armed violation
of the territory of a friendly State.

A reply was immediately sent to the British Agent stating that the
Reform Committee were not aware of the reasons which prompted Dr.
Jameson to start, but that as he was coming to their assistance,
presumably in good faith, they felt morally bound to provide for him,
and they therefore urged the British Agent most strongly to spare no
effort in forwarding the proclamation to Dr. Jameson so that he might
be aware of the action taken by the Imperial Government and might
turn back before any conflict should take place between his and the
Boer forces. The Committee offered to forward the despatch themselves
if facilities of passport were given.

A full meeting of the Committee was immediately convened in order to
consider this new complication of the case, and the following
telegram was approved and sent at 11.15 a.m., addressed to the
Deputation of the Reform Committee, care of Her Majesty's Agent,
Pretoria:

Meeting has been held since you started to consider telegram from
British Agent, and it was unanimously resolved to authorize you to
make following offer to Government. Begins: 'In order to avert
bloodshed on grounds of Dr. Jameson's action, if Government will
allow Dr. Jameson to come in unmolested, the Committee will guarantee
with their persons if necessary that he shall leave again peacefully
within as little delay as possible.'{22}

The Committee well realized the fatal results of Dr. Jameson's
invasion under the circumstances, and much as their position had been
injured and complicated by his action, it was felt that it would
still be better to get rid of the foreign element which he
represented and to fight the battle out under such conditions as
might arise without any assistance than to let things go from bad to
worse through further action on Dr. Jameson's part.

No reply had been received from the High Commissioner to the
telegrams urging him to come up in person. Mr. Cecil Rhodes had
telegraphed that he was urgently pressing the High Commissioner to
come, but that he had received no assurances as yet from him. During
Wednesday Messrs. Leonard and Hamilton telegraphed that the former
had seen the High Commissioner, who had declined to move unless
invited by the other side; they were using every effort to induce him
to move but no reliance could be placed upon him. They further
advised that in their strong opinion a reasonable compromise should
be effected, and that it was most vital to avoid offence. Mr. F.H.
Hamilton, who was one of the first associated with the movement,
finding then that nothing more could be done and feeling that his
proper place was with his comrades, refused to remain longer and
returned to Johannesburg, arriving there after Dr. Jameson's
surrender.

Two and a half days had now elapsed since Dr. Jameson started, and
the Committee were still without word or sign from him as to his
having started or the reason which prompted him to do so. None knew
better than Dr. Jameson himself the difficulties and magnitude of the
task which he had set the Reform Committee when he struck his camp at
Pitsani and marched into the Transvaal. None knew better than he that
with the best luck and all the will and energy in the world it would
hardly be possible to do as much as place the town in a position of
defence. Every hour some explanation or some message was expected
from him, something to throw a little light on his action; but
nothing ever came, and the Committee were left to act in the dark as
their judgment or good fortune might lead them.

The deputation which had been sent to Pretoria met the Government
Commission at noon on Wednesday. The Commission consisted of Chief
Justice Kotzé (Chairman), Judge Ameshof, and Executive Member Kock.
There was a Government shorthand clerk present. Before the business
of the meeting was gone into, at the request of the Chief Justice
the deputation consented to minutes of the interview being taken,
remarking that as they were dealing with the Government in good faith
they had nothing to conceal. It may be well to mention that at the
meeting of Messrs. Malan and Marais with the Reform Committee the
question was raised as to the attitude of the Government towards the
deputation which it was suggested should be sent to Pretoria. Someone
remarked that the Government were quite capable of inducing the
deputation to go to Pretoria, having them arrested as soon as they
got there, and holding them as hostages. Messrs. Marais and Malan
both scouted the idea and stated positively that the Executive
Council had formally acknowledged to them that they were negotiating
with the Reform Committee in good faith, and that negotiations would
of course be carried on in a decent manner as between two civilized
parties in arms. These little incidents have a peculiar interest now
in view of the treachery practised by the Government by means of the
negotiations with the deputation.

Mr. Lionel Phillips as spokesman detailed at length the position of
affairs in Johannesburg, citing the grievances and disabilities under
which the Uitlander population existed. He pointed out that year
after year the Uitlanders had been begging and petitioning for
redress of these grievances, for some amelioration of their
condition, for fair and uniform treatment of all the white subjects
of the State, and for some representation in the Legislature of the
country, as they were entitled by their numbers and their work and
their property to have; yet not only had a deaf ear been turned to
all their petitions, but the conditions were actually aggravated year
by year and, instead of obtaining relief, there was a marked increase
in the burdens and disabilities imposed. He informed the Commission
that the Manifesto fairly represented the views of the Reform
Committee and the people of Johannesburg; that, whilst they were
determined to have their rights, they recognised that it might not
be possible to obtain complete redress at once, and they were
prepared to accept what they might consider a reasonable instalment
of redress. He stated that Dr. Jameson had remained on the borders
of the Transvaal with an armed force by a written arrangement with
certain of the leaders, and that he was there to render active
assistance should the community be driven to extremes and require his
assistance; but as to his present action the Committee could throw no
further light upon it, as they were in ignorance of his reason for
starting; they could only assume that he had done so in good faith,
probably misled by rumours of trouble in Johannesburg which he
thought he had sufficient reason to believe. He added that so far
from being invited by the Committee, messengers had actually been
sent to prevent him from moving, but that it was not known to the
Committee if these messengers had reached him or if the telegrams
which had been sent with a like purpose had ever been delivered to
him, and that consequently the Committee preferred to believe that he
had come in in good faith and thinking the community to be in dire
need, and for this reason the people of Johannesburg were resolved to
stand by him.

In the course of the discussion, Executive Member Kock remarked: 'If
you have erected fortifications and have taken up arms, you are
nothing but rebels.' Mr. Phillips replied: 'You can call us rebels if
you like. All we want is justice, decent treatment, and honest
government; that is what we have come to ask of you.' Mr. Kock
thereupon remarked that the deputation spoke as though they
represented Johannesburg, whereas for all the Government knew the
Reform Committee might be but a few individuals of no influence; and
he asked if they could be informed as to who constituted that body.
The deputation gave certain names from memory and offered to
telegraph for a full list. The reply came in time to be handed to the
Government and it constituted the sole piece of evidence ever
obtained as to who were members of the Reform Committee. After
hearing the statement of Mr. Phillips the Chief Justice informed the
deputation that the Commission were not empowered to arrange
terms, but were merely authorized to hear what the deputation had to
say, to ascertain their grievances and the proposed remedies, and to
report this discussion to the Government. Taking up certain points
referred to by Mr. Phillips, the Chief Justice asked whether the
Johannesburg people would consent to lay down their arms if the
Government granted practically all the reforms that were asked.
Mr. Phillips replied in the affirmative, adding that after
enfranchisement the community would naturally be privileged to take
up arms again as burghers of the State. The Chief Justice asked on
what lines it was proposed that the franchise should be granted. The
deputation replied that the community would be quite content if the
Government would accept the principle, leaving the settlement of
details to a Commission of three persons--one to be appointed by
each party, and the third to be mutually agreed upon.

The meeting was adjourned at noon until 5 p.m., and in the meantime
the deputation telegraphed to the Reform Committee in Johannesburg
the substance of what had taken place, stating among other things
that they had explained the arrangements with Dr. Jameson. That such
a message should be sent through the Government telegraph-office at a
time when every telegram was read for the purpose of obtaining
information as to what was on foot is further proof (if proof be
needed) that the 'revelations' as to the connection between Dr.
Jameson and the Reformers, which were brought out with theatrical
effect later on, were not by any means a startling surprise to the
Government, and were in fact well known to them in all essential
details before the first encounter between the Boers and Dr. Jameson
had taken place. The significance of this fact in its bearing upon
Dr. Jameson's surrender and the after-treatment of the Reform
prisoners should not be lost sight of.

The adjourned meeting between the Government Commission and the
Reform Committee deputation took place at 5 p.m., when the Chief
Justice intimated to the deputation that they had reported to a full
meeting of the Executive Council all that had taken place at the
morning meeting, and that the Executive had authorized them to hand
to the deputation in answer a resolution, the substance of which
is given hereunder:

The High Commissioner has offered his services with a view to a
peaceful settlement. The Government of the South African Republic
have accepted his offer. Pending his arrival, no hostile step will be
taken against Johannesburg provided Johannesburg takes no hostile
step against the Government. In terms of a certain proclamation
recently issued by the State President the grievances will be
earnestly considered.

It is impossible to give the exact wording of the minute because the
original document was inadvertently destroyed and all applications to
Government for a copy were met at first by evasions and finally by
point-blank refusal. The document was required as evidence in the
trial of the Reform prisoners and every effort was made to secure an
exact copy. As a last resource the above version, as sworn to by a
number of men who had seen the original document, was put in. The
Government were informed that if a true copy of the original
resolution as recorded in the Minute Book of the Executive Council
were not supplied for the purposes of evidence in the trial the
prisoners would hand in the version given above. No reply was
received to this, and the State Attorney acting on behalf of the
Government admitted the version here given in the statement put in by
the prisoners. It is clear therefore that if this version errs in any
respect it cannot at all events be to the disadvantage of the
Government or they would assuredly have objected to it and have
produced the resolution itself.

On receipt of the above resolution the deputation inquired whether
this offer of the Government's was intended to include Dr. Jameson.
The Chief Justice replied that the Government declined to treat about
him as he was a foreign invader and would have to be turned out of
the country. The deputation thereupon handed in the telegram from the
Reform Committee, already quoted, offering their persons as security,
and pointed out that this was the most earnest and substantial
guarantee that it was possible to offer that the Committee had not
invited Dr. Jameson and had no desire to destroy the independence of
the State. The Commission in reply stated that the proclamation of
the High Commissioner was being forwarded to Dr. Jameson from
various quarters, and that he would inevitably be stopped. In reply
to the statement by the deputation that they were not empowered to
accept terms which did not explicitly include Dr. Jameson but would
report to headquarters and reply later on, the Chief Justice stated
that the Government required no answer to the resolution handed to
them. This was in fact _their_ answer, and if the people of
Johannesburg observed the conditions mentioned therein there would
be no further trouble, but if they disregarded them they would be
held responsible for whatever followed. The deputation returned to
Johannesburg fully convinced that the grievances would be redressed
and a peaceful settlement arrived at through the mediation of the
High Commissioner, and that Dr. Jameson would inevitably obey
the latter's proclamation and leave the country peacefully on
ascertaining that there was no necessity for his intervention on
behalf of the Uitlanders.

Not only did the Government supply the deputation with the minute in
writing already quoted, but they also instructed the local officers
of Johannesburg to make public their decision to avail themselves of
Sir Hercules Robinson's services. It will be observed that the
notification published in Johannesburg is not so full as the
Executive minute handed to the deputation in Pretoria, but the spirit
in which it was given and accepted is shown by the following notice
issued by the Reform Committee embodying the official statement:

REFORM COMMITTEE.

NOTICE.

The Government have handed us a written reply this afternoon (January
1), stating they have agreed to accept the offer of the High
Commissioner to go to Pretoria to assist the Government in preventing
bloodshed, and then the representations of the Committee will be
taken into serious consideration. The communication referred to is as
follows:

'The Government of the South African Republic have accepted the offer
of the High Commissioner to come to Pretoria.


(Signed)    J. L. VAN DER MERWE, _Mining Commissioner._
J. F. DE BEER, _Judicial Commissioner._
CARL JEPPE, _Member of the First Volksraad,_
_Johannesburg._
A. H. BLECKSLEY, _Commandant Volunteers._

Desirous as the Committee has always been to obtain its objects
without the shedding of blood and incurring the horrors of civil war,
the opportunity of achieving its aims by peaceful means is welcome.

The Reform Committee desires that the public will aid them with the
loyalty and enthusiasm which they have shown so far in the
maintenance of its organization, and will stand firm in the cause of
law and order and the establishment of their rights.

By order of the Committee.

This notice was published in the local press, and also distributed as
a leaflet in Johannesburg.

More than this! At one o'clock on Wednesday President Kruger had sent
for Sir Jacobus de Wet and requested him to transmit to the Reform
Committee the following message: 'I desire again to invite your
serious attention to the fact that negotiations are going on between
Mr. Chamberlain and His Honour the President. I am convinced the