vitam prostituunt. Apud plurimas tribus juventutem utriusque sexus
sine discrimine concumbere in usu est. Si juvenis forte indigenorum
coetum quendam in castris manentem adveniat ubi quaevis sit puella
innupta, mos est nocte veniente et cubantibus omnibus, illam ex loco
exsurgere et juvenem accedentem cum illo per noctem manere unde in
sedem propriam ante diem redit. Cui femina est, eam amicis libenter
praebet."

[156] F. Müller (212-13) gives the details of West Australian
corrobborees which are too obscene to be cited here. See also the
testimony in Hellwald (134-35) based on the observations of Oldfield,
Koler, M'Combie, etc., and a number of other authorities cited by
Waitz-Gerland, VI., 754-55. Curr says (I., 128) that at the
corrobborees men of different tribes lend their wives to each other.

[157] _Journal Anthrop. Inst_., XXIV., 169. See also Waitz, VI., 774;
Macgillivray, II., 8; Hasskarl, 82. They have a peculiar rattle with
mystic sculpturing, and Eyre says that its sound libertatem coeundi
juventuti esse tum concessam omnibus indicat. Maclennan (287) cites
G.S. Lang, who cites the fact that the old men get most of the young
women. Connubium profecto valde est liberum. Conjuges, puellae,
_puellulae_ cum adolescentibus venantur. Pretium corporis poene
nullius est. Vendunt se vel columbae vel canis vel piscis pretio.
Inter Anglos et aborigines nihil distat.

[158] _Journal Anthrop. Inst._, XX., 53.

[159] _Revue d'Anthropologie_. 1882, p. 376.

[160] A.W. Howitt, _Jour. Anthr. Hist._ XX., 60-61. Fison and Howitt,
289; _Smithsonian Reports_, 1883, p. 67. Details are given which
cannot be reproduced here. Boys participate in these orgies.

[161] The details given by Roth are too disgusting for reproduction
here. They vie with the loathsome practices of the Kaffirs and the
most debauched Roman emperors, while some of them are so vile that it
seems as if they could have been suggested only by the diseased brain
of an erotomaniac. The most degraded white criminal that ever took up
his abode among savages would turn away from them with horror and
nausea, yet we are asked to believe that the savages learned all their
vices from the whites!

[162] _Mittheil des Ver. für Erdkunde zu Halle_, 1883, 54.

[163] Westermarck overlooks these vital facts when he calmly assumes
(64, 65) that the guarding of girls, or punishment of intruders,
argues a regard for chastity. His entire ignoring of the superabundant
and unimpeachable testimony proving the contrary is extraordinary, to
put it mildly. Dawson's assertion (33) that "illegitimacy is rare" and
the mother severely punished, which Westermarck cites (65), is as
foolish as most of the gossip printed by that utterly untrustworthy
writer. As the details given in these pages regarding licentiousness
before marriage and wife-lending after it show, there is no possible
way of proving illegitimacy unless the child has a white father. In
that case it is killed; but that is nothing remarkable, as the
Australians kill most of their children anyway. That a regard for
chastity or fidelity has nothing to do with these actions is proved by
the fact cited from Curr (I., 110) by Westermarck himself (on another
page--131--of course!) that "husbands display much less jealousy of
white men than of those of their own color," and that they will more
commonly prostitute their wives to strangers visiting the tribe than
to their own people. I have no doubt that the simple reason of this is
that the whites are better able to pay, in rum and trinkets.

[164] _South Australia_, Adelaide, 1804, p. 403. The part author, part
editor of this valuable book is not to be confounded with J.S. Wood,
the compiler of the _Natural History of Man_.

[165] See also the account he gives (I., 180) of the report as to
aboriginal morals made in the early days of Victoria by a commission
of fourteen settlers, missionaries, and protectors of the aborigines.
The explorer Sturt (I., 316) even found that the natives became
indignant if the whites rejected their addresses.

[166] See also a very important paper on this subject by Howitt in the
_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Vol. XX., 1890,
demonstrating that "in Australia at the present day group marriage
does exist in a well-marked form, which is evidently only the modified
survival of a still more complete social communism" (104). Regarding
the manner in which group marriage gradually passed into individual
proprietorship, a suggestive hint may be found in this sentence from
Brough Smyth (II., 316): When women are carried off from another
tribe, "they are common property till they are gradually annexed by
the best warriors of the tribe."

[167] In my mind the strongest argument against Westermarck's views as
regards promiscuity is that all his tributary theories, so to speak,
which I have had occasion to examine in this volume have proved so
utterly inconsistent with facts. The question of promiscuity itself I
cannot examine in detail here, as it hardly comes within the scope of
this book. In view of the confusion Westermarck has already created in
recent scientific literature by his specious pleading, I need not
apologize for the frequency of my polemics against him. His imposing
erudition and his cleverness in juggling with facts by ignoring those
that do not please him (as _e.g._, in case of the morality of the
Kaffirs and Australians, and the "liberty of choice" of their women)
make him a serious obstacle to the investigation of the truth
regarding man's sexual history, wherefore it is necessary to expose
his errors promptly and thoroughly.

[168] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst_., 1890, 53.

[169] Would our friend Stephens be fearless enough to claim that this
custom also was taught the natives by the degraded whites? Apart from
the diabolical cruelty to a woman of which no white man except a
maniac would ever be individually guilty--whereas this is a tribal
custom--note the unutterable masculine selfishness of this "jealousy,"
which, while indifferent to chastity and fidelity, _per se_, punishes
by proxy, leaving the real culprit untouched and happy at having not
only had his intrigue but a chance to get rid of an undesired wife!

[170] _Jour. Anthr. Inst._, XII., 282.

[171] Grey might have made a valuable contribution to the comparative
psychology of passion by noting down the chant of the rivals in their
own words. Instead of that, for literary effect, he cast them into
European metre and rhyme, with various expressions, like "bless" and
"caress," which of course are utterly beyond an Australian's mental
horizon. This absurd procedure, which has made so many documents of
travellers valueless for scientific purposes, is like filling an
ethnological museum with pictures of Australians, Africans, etc., all
clothed in swallow-tail coats and silk hats. _Cf_. Grosse (_B.A_.,
236), and Semon (224). Real Australian "poems" are like the following:

"The peas the white man eats--
I wish I had some,
I wish I had some."

Or this:

"The kangaroo ran very fast
But I ran faster;
The kangaroo was fat;
I ate him."

[172] _Roy. Geogr. Soc. of Australasia_, Vol. V., 29.

[173] The reason why Westermarck is so eager to prove liberty of
choice on the part of Australian women is because he has set himself
the hopeless task of proving that the lower we go the more liberty
woman has, and that "under more primitive conditions she was even more
free in that respect than she is now amongst most of the lower races."
"As man in the earliest times," he asserts (222), "had no reason ...
to retain his full-grown daughter, she might go away and marry at her
pleasure." Quite the contrary; an Australian, than whom we know no
more "primitive" man, had every reason for not allowing her to go away
and marry whom she pleased. He looked on his daughter, as we have
seen, chiefly as a desirable piece of property to exchange for some
other man's daughter or sister.

[174] As distinguished from the more common sham elopement, at which
the parents are consulted as usual. In the Kunandaburi tribe, for
instance, as Howitt himself tells us (_Jour. Anthr. Inst_., XX.,
60-61) the suitor asks permission of the girl's parents to take her
away. "She resists all she can, biting and screaming, while the other
women look on laughing." The whole thing is obviously a custom ordered
by the parents, and tells us nothing regarding the presence or absence
of choice. See the remarks on sham capture in my chapter on Coyness
(125).

[175] The reader will note that here are some additional objects
usually supposed to be "ornamental," but which, as in all the cases
examined in the chapter on Personal Beauty, are seen on close
examination to serve other than esthetic purposes. These _are_
intended to _charm_ the women, not, however, as things of beauty, but
by their magic qualities and by attracting their attention.

[176] With his usual conscientious regard for facts Westermarck
declares (70) that in a savage condition of life "every full-grown man
marries as soon as possible."

[177] We are occasionally warned not to underrate the intelligence of
the aboriginal Australian. As a matter of fact, there is more danger
of its being overrated. Thus it was long believed that what was known
as the "terrible rite" (_finditur usque ad urethram membrum
virile_)--see Curr I., 52, 72--was practised as a check to population;
but surgeon-general Roth (179) has exploded this idea, and made it
seem probable that this rite is merely a senseless counterpart of
certain useless mutilations inflicted on females.

[178] _Trans. Eth. Soc_., New Ser., III, 248.

[179] Gerland (VI., 756) makes the same mistake here as Westermarck.
He also refers to Petermann's _Mittheilungen_ for another case of
"romantic love." On consulting that periodical (1856, 451) I find that
the proof of such love lay in the circumstance that in the quarrels so
common in Australian camps, wives would not hesitate to join in and
help their husbands!

[180] Surgeon-General Roth of Queensland does not indulge in any
illusions regarding love in Australia. He uses quotation marks when he
speaks of a man being in "love" (180), and in another place he speaks
of the native woman "whose love, such as it is." etc. He evidently
realizes that Australian lovers are only "lewd fellows of the baser
sort."

[181] _Journal of the Anthrop. Inst_., 1889.

[182] Macgillivray says (II., 8) that the females of the Torres
Islands are in most cases betrothed in infancy. "When the man thinks
proper he takes his wife to live with him without any further
ceremony, but before this she has probably had promiscuous intercourse
with the young men, such, if conducted with a moderate degree of
secrecy, not being considered as an offence.... Occasionally there are
instances of strong mutual attachment and courtship, when, if the
damsel is not betrothed, a small present made to the father is
sufficient to procure his consent; at the Prince of Wales Islands a
knife or a glass is considered as a sufficient price for the hand of a
'fair lady,' and are the articles mostly used for that purpose." I
cite this passage chiefly because it is another one of those to which
Gerland refers as evidence of genuine romantic love!

[183] I am indebted for many of the following facts to H. Ling Roth's
splendid compilation and monograph entitled _The Natives of Sarawak
and British North Borneo_. London, 1896.

[184] The Ida'an are the aboriginal population; in dress, habitations,
manners, and customs they are essentially the same as the Dyaks in
general.

[185] The above details are culled from Williams, pp. 145, 144, 38,
345, 148, 152, 43, 114, 179, 180, 344. The editor declares, in a
foot-note (182), that he has repressed or softened some of the more
horrible details in Williams's account.

[186] See Westermarck, 67, and footnotes on that page.

[187] If sentimentalists were gifted with a sense of humor it would
have occurred to them how ludicrous and illogical it is to suppose
that savages and barbarians, the world over, should in each instance
have been converted by a few whites from angels to monsters of
depravity with such amazing suddenness. We know, on the contrary, that
in no respect are these races so stubbornly tenacious of old customs
as in their sexual relations.

[188] See Mariner (Martin) Introduction and Chap. XVI.

[189] _Jour. Anthr. Inst_., 1889, p. 104.

[190] Supposed to mean a beautiful flower that grows on the tops of
the mountains, where sea and land breezes meet.

[191] According to Erskine (50) when a Samoan felt a violent passion
for another he would brand his arm, to symbolize his ardor.
(Waitz-Gerland, VI., 125.)

[192] See _Schopenhauer's Gespräche_ (Grisebach), 1898, p. 40, and the
essay on love, in Lichtenberg's _Ausgewählte Schriften_ (Reclam).
Lichtenberg seems, indeed, to have doubted whether anything else than
sensual love actually exists.

[193] It is said that, under favorable circumstances, a distance of
3,000 miles might thus be covered in a month.

[194] There is much reason to suspect, too, that Grey expurgated and
whitewashed these tales. See, on this subject, the remarks to be made
in the next chapter regarding the Indian love-stories of Schoolcraft,
bearing in mind that Polynesians are, if possible, even more
licentious and foul-mouthed than Indians.

[195] Considerations of space compel me here, as in other cases, to
condense the stories; but I conscientiously and purposely retain all
the sentimental passages and expressions.

[196] _Algic Researches_, 1839, I., 43. From this work the first five
of the above stories are taken, the others being from the same
author's _Oneota_ (54-57; 15-16). The stories in _Algic Researches_
were reprinted in 1856 under the title _The Myth of Hiawatha and Other
Oral Legends_.

[197] I have taken the liberty of giving to most of the stories cited
more attractive titles than Schoolcraft gave them. He himself changed
some of the titles in his later edition.

[198] In another of these tales (_A.R._, II., 165-80) Schoolcraft
refers to a girl who went astray in the woods "while admiring the
scenery."

[199] Schoolcraft's volumes include, however, a number of reliable and
valuable articles on various Indian tribes by other writers. These are
often referred to in anthropological treatises, including the present
volume.

[200] In the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1891, especially pages 546,
554, 555, 556, 557, 558, 559, 567-69, 640, 643; in the vol. for 1892,
pages 36, 42, 44, 324, 330, 340, 386, 392, 434, 447; and in the vol.
for 1894, 283, 303, 304. It is impossible even to hint here at the
details of these stories. Some are licentious, others merely filthy.
Powers, in his great work on the California Indians (348), refers to
"the unspeakable obscenity of their legends."

[201] Ehrenreich says (_Zeitschr. für Ethnol._, 1887, 31) that among
the Botocudos cohabitatio coram familia et vicinibus exagitur; and of
the Machacares Indians Feldner tells us (II., 143, 148) that even the
children behave lewdly in presence of everybody. Parentes rident,
appellunt eos canes, et usque ad silvam agunt. Some extremely
important and instructive revelations are made in von den Steinen's
classic work on Brazil (195-99), but they cannot be cited here. The
author concludes that "a feeling of modesty is decidedly absent among
the unclothed Indians."

[202] Published in the _Papers of the American Archaeological
Institute_, III.

[203] _Works_, in Hakluyt Soc. Publ., London, 1847, II., 192.

[204] What Parkman says regarding the cruelty of the Indians perhaps
applies also to their sexual morality, though to a less extent. In
speaking of the early missionary intercourse with the Indians he
remarks (_Jes in Can._, 319):

"In the wars of the next century we do not often find these
examples of diabolic atrocity with which the earlier annals
were crowded. The savage burned his enemies alive still, it
is true, but he rarely ate them; neither did he torment them
with the same deliberation and persistency. He was a savage
still, but not so often a devil. The improvement was not
great, but it was distinct; and it seems to have taken place
wherever Indian tribes were in close relations with any
respectable community of white men."

[205] Herrera relates (III., 340) that Nicaraguan fathers used to send
out their daughters to roam the country and earn a marriage portion in
a shameful way.

[206] See also the remarks of Dr. W.J. Hoffmann regarding the dances
of the Coyotero Apaches. _U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey_, Colorado,
1876, 464.

[207] Pizarro says (_Relacion_, 266) that "the virgins of the sun
feigned to preserve virginity and to be chaste. In this they lied, as
they cohabited with the servants and guards of the Sun, who were
numerous." Regarding Peruvians in general Pizarro (1570) and Cieza
(_Travels_, 1532-40) agree that parents did not care about the conduct
of their daughters, and Cieza speaks of the promiscuity at festivals.
Brinton (_M.N.W._, 149) is obliged to admit that "there is a decided
indecency in the remains of ancient American art, especially in Peru,
and great lubricity in many ceremonies."

[208] _Indian Rights Assoc._, Philadelphia, 1885.

[209] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, 1892, 427.

[210] _Indian Com. Rep_., 1854, p. 179.

[211] Bristol in _Ind. Aff. Rep. Spec. Com_., 1867, p. 357.

[212] _Rep. Com. Ind. Aff_., 1892, p. 607.

[213] Even the wives of chiefs were treated no better than slaves.
Catlin himself tells us of the six wives of a Mandan chief who were
"not allowed to speak, though they were in readiness to obey his
orders." (_Smithson. Rep._. 1885, Pt. II., 458.)

[214] Such cruel treatment of women argues a total lack of sympathy in
Indians, and without sympathy there can be no love. The systematic
manner in which sympathy is crushed among Indians I have described in
a previous chapter. Here let me add a few remarks by Theodore
Roosevelt (I., 86) which coincide with what John Hance, the famous
Arizona guide, told me:

"Anyone who has ever been in an encampment of wild Indians
and has had the misfortune to witness the delight the
children take in torturing little animals will admit that
the Indian's love of cruelty for cruelty's sake cannot
possibly be exaggerated. The young are so trained that when
old they shall find their keenest pleasure in inflicting
pain in its most appalling form. Among the most brutal white
borderers a man would be instantly lynched if he practiced
on any creature the fiendish torture which in the Indian
camp either attracts no notice at all, or else excites
merely laughter."

(See also Roosevelt's remarks--87, 831, 335 on Helen Hunt Jackson's
_Century of Dishonor_.) The Indian was much wronged by unprincipled
agents and others, but the border ruffians served him only as he
served others of his race, the weaker being always driven out. Nor was
there any real sympathy within the tribes themselves. "These people,"
wrote the old Jesuit missionary Le Jeune (VI., 245), "are very little
moved by compassion. They give a sick person food and drink, but show
otherwise no concern for him; to coax him with love and tenderness is
a language which they do not understand. When he refuses food they
kill him, partly to relieve him from suffering, partly to relieve
themselves of the trouble of taking him with them when they go to some
other place."

[215] _Smithsonian Rep._, 1885, Pt. II., 108.

[216] The humor of Catlin's assertions becomes more obvious still when
we read how readily Indians dissolve their marriages, through love of
change, caprice, etc. See cases in Westermarck, 518.

[217] Cited by Schoolcraft, _Oneota_, 57.

[218] _Transactions of the American Philosophical Society._
Philadelphia, 1819.

[219] _Journ. Anthrop. Inst._, 1884, p. 251.

[220] Brinton's _Library of Aborig. Amer. Lit._, II, 65.

[221] The only way the women could secure any consideration was by
overawing the men. Thus Southey says (III., 411) regarding the
Abipones that the old women "were obdurate in retaining superstitions
that rendered them objects of fear, and therefore of respect." Smith
in his book on the Araucanians of Chili, notes (238), that besides the
usual medicine men there was an occasional woman "who had acquired the
most unbounded influence by shrewdness, joined to a hideous personal
appearance and a certain mystery with which she was invested."

[222] As when he says, "The Atkha Aleuts occasionally betrothed their
children to each other, but the marriage was held to be binding only
after the birth of a child." What evidence of choice is there here?

[223] _U.S. Geogr. and Geol. Survey of Colorado,_ etc., 1876, p. 465.

[224] Miss Alice Fletcher gives in the _Journal of the American Folk
Lore Society_ (1889, 219-26) an amusing instance of how far a
present-day Omaha girl may go in resenting a man's unwelcome advances.
A faint-hearted lover had sent a friend as go-between to ask for the
girl's favor. As he finished his speech the girl looked at him with
flashing eyes and said: "I'll have nothing to do with your friend or
you either." The young man hesitated a moment, as if about to repeat
his request, when a dangerous wave of her water-bucket made him leap
to one side to escape a deluge.

[225] _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie,_ 1891, p. 545.

[226] How California marriages were made in the good old times we may
see from the account in Hakluyt's _Collection of Early Voyages_, 1810,
III., 513:

"If any man had a daughter to marry he went where the people
kept, and said, I have a daughter to marry, is there any man
here that would have her? And if there were any that would
have her, he answered that he would have her, and so the
marriage was made."

[227] _Smithsonian Rep._, 1885, Pt. II., p. 71.

[228] Schoolcraft, IV., 224; Powers, 221; Waitz, IV., 132; Azara
(_Voyages_), II., 94; von Martius, I.,412, 509.

[229] A table relating to sixty-five North American Indian girls given
in Ploss, I., 476, shows that all but eight of them had their first
child before the end of the fifteenth year; the largest number
(eighteen), having it in the fourteenth.

[230] See John Fiske's _Discovery of America_, I., 21, and E.J.
Payne's _History of the New World_.

[231] Giacomo Bove, _Patagonia. Cf._ Ploss, I., 476; _Globus_, 1883,
158. Hyades's _Mission Scientifique du Cap Horn_, VII., 377.

[232] Equally inconclusive is Westermarck's reference (216) to what
Azara says regarding the Guanas. Azara expressly informs us that, as
summed up by Darwin (_D.M._, Chap. XIX.) among the Guanas "the men
rarely marry till twenty years old or more, as before that age they
cannot conquer their rivals." Where girls are literally wrestled for,
they have, of course, no choice.

[233] Keating says (II., 153) that among the Chippewas "where the
antipathy is great, one or the other elopes from the lodge."

[234] _Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropologists_,
1894, 153-57.

[235] Laurence Oliphant realized the absurdity of attributing such
tales to Indians, assigning to them feelings and motives like our own.
He kindly supplies some further details, insisting that the girl was
told to "return and all would be forgiven;" that the "fast young Sioux
hunter" whom Winona wanted to marry ("her heart could never be
another's"), had "no means of his own." He is believed to have been
"utterly disconsolate at the time," and "subsequently to have married
an heiress." See the amusing satire in his _Minnesota_, 287-89.

[236] S.R. Riggs in _U.S. Geogr. and Geol. Soc._, IX., 206.

[237] _Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc._, Vol. III, Pt. I.

[238] _Denkschriften der Kaiserl. Akad. d. Wissensch. in Wien_, Bd.
XXXIX., S. 214.

[239] _Report of Bureau of Ethnol., Wash._, 1892.

[240] Ibid., 1896, Pt. 1, p. 154.

[241] _American Anthropologist_, IV., 276.

[242] The Chippewas have bridal canoes which they fill with stores to
last a betrothed pair for a month's excursion, this being the only
marriage ceremony. (Kane, 20.)

[243] Army bugle calls, telling the soldiers what to do, are "leading
motives." See my article on "The Utility of Music," _Forum_, May,
1898; or Wallaschek's _Primitive Music_.

[244] _A Study of Omaha Indian Music_ (14, 15, 44, 52). Cambridge,
1893; _Journal Amer. Folklore_, 1889 (219-26); _Memoirs Intern. Congr.
Anthrop.,_ 1894 (153-57).

[245] Dr. Brinton published in 1886 an interesting pamphlet entitled
_The Conception of Love in Some American Languages_, which was
afterward reprinted in his _Essays of an Americanist_. It forms the
philological basis for his assertion, already quoted, that the
languages of the Algonquins of North America, the Nahuas of Mexico,
the Mayas of Yucatan, the Quichas of Peru, and the Tupis and Guaranis
of Brazil "supply us with evidence that the sentiment of love was
awake among them." I have read this learned paper half a dozen times,
and have come to the conclusion that it proves exactly the contrary.

I. In the Algonkin, as I gather from the professor's explanations,
there is one form of the word "love" from which are derived the
expressions "to tie," "to fasten," "and also some of the coarsest
words to express the sexual relation." For the feebler "sentiment" of
merely liking a person there is a word meaning "he or it _seems good
to me_." Expressions relating to the highest form of love, "that which
embraces all men and all beings" are derived from a root indicative of
"_what gives joy_." The italics are mine. I can find here no
indication of altruistic sentiment, but quite the reverse.


II. It was among the Mexicans that Dr. Brinton found the "delicate"
poems. Yet he informs us that they had "only one word...to express
every variety of love, human and divine, carnal and chaste, between
men and between the sexes." This being the case, how are we ever to
know which kind of love a Mexican poem refers to? Dr. Brinton himself
feels that one must not credit the Aztecs "with finer feelings than
they deserve;" and with reference to a certain mythic conception he
adds, "I gravely doubt that they felt the shafts of the tender
passion, with any such susceptibility as to employ this metaphor."
Moreover, as he informs us, the Mexican root of the word is not
derived from the primary meaning of the root, but from a secondary and
later signification. "This hints ominously," he says,

"at the probability that the ancient tongue had for a long
time no word at all to express this, the highest and noblest
emotion of the human heart, and that consequently this
emotion itself had not risen to consciousness in the
national mind."

In its later development the capacity of the language for emotional
expression was greatly enlarged. Was this before the European
missionaries appeared on the scene? Missionaries, it is important to
remember, had a good deal to do with the development of the language,
as well as the birth of the nobler conceptions and emotions among the
lower races. Many fatal blunders in comparative psychology and
sociology can be traced to the ignoring of this fact.

III. Dr. Otto Stoll, in his work _Zur Ethnographie der Rep.
Guatemala,_ declares that the Cakchiquel Indians of that country "are
strangers to the mere conception of that kind of love which is
expressed by the Latin verb _amare_." _Logoh_, the Guatemalan word for
love, also means "to buy," and according to Stoll the only other word
in the pure original tongue for the passion of love is _ah_, to want,
to desire. Dr. Brinton finds it used also in the sense of "to like,"
"to love" [in what way?]. But the best he can do is to "think that 'to
buy' and 'to love' may be construed as developments of the same idea
of _prizing highly_" which tells us nothing regarding altruism. All
that we know about the customs of Guatemalans points to the conclusion
that Dr. Stoll was right in declaring that they had no notion of true
love.

IV. Of the Peruvian expressions relating to love in the comprehensive
sense of the word, Dr. Brinton specifies five. Of one of them,
_munay_, there were, according to Dr. Anchorena, nearly six hundred
combinations. It meant originally "merely a sense of want, an
appetite, and the accompanying desire to satisfy it." In songs
composed in the nineteenth century _cenyay_, which originally meant
pity, is preferred to _munay_ as the most appropriate term for the
love between the sexes. The blind, unreasoning, absorbing passion is
expressed by _huaylluni_, which is nearly always confined to sexual
love, and "conveys the idea of the sentiment showing itself in action
by those sweet signs and marks of devotion which are so highly prized
by the loving heart." The verb _lluyllny_ (literally to be soft or
tender, as fruit) means to

"love with tenderness, to have as a darling, to caress
lovingly. It has less of sexuality in it than the word last
mentioned, and is applied by girls to each other and as a
term of family fondness."

There was also a term, _mayhuay_, referring to words of tenderness or
acts of endearment which may be merely simulated signs of emotion. I
cannot find in any of these definitions evidence of altruistic
affection, unless it be in the "marks of devotion," which expression,
however, I suspect, is Philadelphian rather than Peruvian.

V. The Tupi-Guarani have one word only to express all the varieties of
love known to them--_aihu_. Dr. Brinton thinks he "cannot be far
wrong" in deriving this from _ai_, self, or the same, and _hu_ to find
or be present; and from this he infers that "to love," in Guarani,
means "to find oneself in another," or "to discover in another a
likeness to oneself." I submit that this is altogether too airy a
fabric of fanciful conjecture to allow the inference that the
sentiment of love was known to these Brazilian Indians, whose morals
and customs were, moreover, as we have seen, fatal obstacles to the
growth of refined sexual feeling. Both the Tupis and Guaranis were
cannibals, and they had no regard for chastity. One of their
"sentimental" customs was for a captor to make his prisoner, before he
was eaten, cohabit with his (the captor's) sister or daughter, the
offspring of this union being allowed to grow up and then was devoured
too, the first mouthful being given to the mother. (Southey, I., 218.)
I mention this because Dr. Brinton says that the evidence that the
sentiment of love was awake among these tribes "is corroborated by the
incidents we learn of their domestic life."

[246] _U.S. Geogr. and Geol Survey Rocky Mt. Region_, Pt. I., 181-89.

[247] It is of the Modocs of this region that Joaquin Miller wrote
that "Indians have their loves, and as they have but little else,
these fill up most of their lives." The above poems indicate the
quality of this Indian love. In Joaquin Miller's narrative of his
experience with the Modocs, the account of his own marriage is of
special interest. At a Modoc marriage a feast is given by the girl's
father, "to which all are invited, but the bride and bridegroom do not
partake of food. ... Late in the fall, the old chief made the marriage
feast, and at that feast neither I nor his daughter took meat, or any
part." It is a pity that the rest of this writer's story is, by his
own confession, part romance, part reality. A lifelike description of
his Modoc experience would have done more to ensure immortality for
his book than any amount of romancing.

[248] _Journal of Amer. Folklore_, 1888, 220-26.

[249] _Internat. Archiv. fur Ethnogr., Supplement zu Bd._ IX. 1896,
pp. 1-6.

[250] These lines by their fervid eroticism quite suggest the
existence of a masculine Indian Sappho. See the comments on Sappho in
the chapter on Greek love.

[251] Such a procedure does well enough if the object is to amuse idle
readers; and when a writer confesses, as Cornelius Mathews did in the
_Indian Fairy Book_, that he bestowed on the stories "such changes as
similar legends most in vogue in other countries have received to
adapt them to the comprehension and sympathy of general readers," no
harm is done. But for scientific purposes it is necessary to sift down
all alleged Indian stories and poems to the solid bed-rock of facts.
It is significant that in the stories collected by men of science and
recorded literally in anthropological journals all romantic and
sentimental features are conspicuously absent, being often replaced by
the Indian's abounding obscenity. Rand's _Legends of the Micmacs_ and
Grinnell's _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_ are on the whole free from the
errors of Schoolcraft and his followers. It ought to be obvious to
every collector of aboriginal folk-lore that Indian tales, like the
Indians themselves, are infinitely more interesting in war paint and
buffalo robes than in "boiled shirts" and "store-clothes."

[252] _U.S. Geogr. and Geol. Survey of Rocky Mt. Region_, IX., 90.

[253] Related in G. White's _Historical Collection of Georgia_, 571.

[254] See Brinton's _The American Race_, 59-67, for an excellent
summary of our present knowledge of the Eskimos (on the favorable
side).

[255] _Journal Ethnol. Soc_., I., 299.

[256] Cranz, I., 155, 134; Hall, II., 87, I., 187; Hearne, 161.

[257] Hall, _Narrat. of Second Arctic Exp._, 102; Cranz, I, 207-12
(German ed.); Letourneau, _E.d.M._, 72.

[258] Among the Nagas, we read in Dalton (43), "maidens are prized for
their physical strength more than for their beauty and family;" and
the reason is not far to seek. "The women have to work incessantly,
while the men bask in the sun."

[259] Shortt in _Trans. Ethnol. Soc_., _N.S._, VII., 464.

[260] For our purposes it is needless to continue this list; but I may
add that of the very few tribes Westermarck ventured to claim
specifically for his side, three at any rate--the Miris, Todas, and
Kols (Mundas) do not belong there. The state of mind prevalent among
the Miris is indicated by Dalton's observation (33) that "two brothers
will unite and from the proceeds of their joint labor buy a wife
between them." In regard to the Todas, Westermarck apparently forgot