was conceived simultaneously by Wallace and Darwin, and both were
anticipated by other writers. Nay, a German professor has written a
treatise on the "Greek Predecessors of Darwin."

[4] _Studien über die Libido Sexualis_, I., Pt. I., 28.

[5] In the last chapter of _Lotos-Time in Japan_.

[6] An amusing instance of this trait may be found in Johnston's
account of his ascent of the Kilima-Njaro (271-276).

[7] Roth's sumptuous volume, _British North Borneo_, gives a life-like
picture of the Dyaks from every point of view, with numerous
illustrations.

[8] See the chapter on Nudity and Bathing in my _Lotos-Time in Japan_.

[9] Bancroft, II., 75; Wallace, 357; Westermarck, 195; Humboldt, III.,
230.

[10] See especially the ninth chapter of Westermarck's _History of
Human Marriage_, 186-201.

[11] Westermarck (74) devotes half a page in fine type to an
enumeration of the peoples among whom many such customs prevailed, and
his list is far from being complete.

[12] See Westermarck, Chap. XX., for a list of monogamous peoples.

[13] The vexed question of promiscuity hinges on this distinction. As
a matter of _form_ promiscuity may not have been the earliest phase of
human marriage, but as a matter of _fact_ it was. Westermarck's
ingeniously and elaborately built up argument against the theory of
promiscuity is a leaning tower which crashes to the ground when
weighted by this one consideration. See the chapter on Australia.

[14] For a partial list of peoples who practised trial marriage and
frequent divorce see Westermarck, 518-521, and C. Fischer, Über die
Probennächte der deutschen Bauernmädchen_. Leipzig, 1780.

[15] For the distinction between sentiment and sentimentality see the
chapter on Sensuality, Sentimentality, and Sentiment.

[16] Johnston states (in Schoolcraft, IV., 224) that the wild Indians
of California had their rutting season as regularly as have the deer
and other animals. See also Powers (206) and Westermarck (28). In the
Andaman Islands a man and woman remained together only till their
child was weaned, when they separated to seek new mates (_Trans.
Ethnol. Soc_., V., 45).

[17] The other cases of "jealousy" cited by Westermarck (117-122) are
all negatived by the same property argument; to which he indeed
alludes, but the full significance of which he failed to grasp. It is
a pity that language should be so crude as to use the same word
jealousy to denote three such entirely different things as rage at a
rival, revenge for stolen property, and anguish at the knowledge or
suspicion of violated chastity and outraged conjugal affection.
Anthropologists have studied only the lower phases of jealousy, just
as they have failed to distinguish clearly between lust and love.

[18] All these facts, it is hardly necessary to add, serve as further
illustrations to the chapter How Sentiments Change and Grow.

[19] For "love" read covet. We shall see in the chapter on Australia
that love is a feeling altogether beyond the mental horizon of the
natives.

[20] Rohde, 35, 28, 147. See his list of corroborative cases in the
long footnote, pp. 147-148.

[21] Compare this with what Rohde says (42) about the Homeric heroes
and their complete absorption in warlike doings.

[22] _Grundlage der Moral_, § 14.

[23] _Wagner and his Works_, II., 163.

[24] In Burton the translator has changed the sex of the beloved. This
proceeding, a very common one, has done much to confuse the public
regarding the modernity of Greek love. It is not Greek love of women,
but romantic friendship for boys, that resembles modern love for
women.

[25] A multitude of others may be found in an interesting article on
"Sexual Taboo" by Crawley in the _Journal of the Anthropological
Institute_, xxvi.

[26] New York _Evening Post_, January 21, 1899.

[27] Fitzroy, II., 183; _Trans. Ethn. Soc_., New Series, III., 248-88.

[28] That moral infirmities, too, were capable of winning the respect
of savages, may be seen in Carver's _Travels in North America_ (245).

[29] Garcia _Origin de los Indios de el Nuevo Mondo_; McLennan; Ingham
(Westermarck, 113) concerning the Bakongo; Giraud-Teulon, 208, 209,
concerning Nubians and other Ethiopians.

[30] See Letourneau, 332-400; Westermarck, 39-41, 96-113; Grosse,
11-12,50-63, 75-78, 101-163, 107, 180.

[31] Charlevoix, V. 397-424; Letourneau, 351. See also Mackenzie, _V.
fr. M._, 84, 87; Smith, _Arauc._, 238; _Bur. Ethnol._, 1887, 468-70.

[32] How capable of honoring women the Babylonians were may be
inferred from the testimony of Herodotus (I., ch. 199) that every
woman had to sacrifice her chastity to strangers in the temple of
Mylitta.

[33] It gives me great pleasure to correct my error in this place. Not
a few critics of my first book censured me for underrating Roman
advances in the refinements of love. As a matter of fact I overrated
them.

[34] _Life Among the Modocs_ (228). It must be borne in mind that
Joaquin Miller here describes his own ideas of chivalry. He did not,
as a matter of course, find anything resembling them among the Modocs.
If he had, he would have said so, for he was their friend, and married
the girl referred to. But while the Indians themselves never entertain
any chivalrous regard for women, they are acute enough to see that the
whites do, and to profit thereby. One morning when I was writing some
pages of this book under a tree at Lake Tahoe, California, an Indian
came to me and told me a pitiful tale about his "sick squaw" in one of
the neighboring camps. I gave him fifty cents "for the squaw," but
ascertained later that after leaving me he had gone straight to the
bar-room at the end of the pier and filled himself up with whiskey,
though he had specially and repeatedly assured me he was "damned good
Indian," and never drank.

[35] _Magazin von Reisebeschreibungen_, I., 283.

[36] The Rev. Isaac Malek Yonan tells us, in his book on _Persian
Women_ (138), that most Armenian women "are very low in the moral
scale." It is obvious that only one of the wanton class could be in
question in Trumbull's story, for the respectable women are, as Yonan
says, not even permitted to talk loudly or freely in the presence of
men. This clergyman is a native Persian, and the account he gives of
his countrywomen, unbiassed and sorrowful, shows that the chances for
romantic love are no better in modern Persia than they were in the
olden times. The women get no education, hence they grow up "really
stupid and childlike." He refers to "the low estimation in which women
are held," and says that the likes and dislikes of girls about to be
married are not consulted. Girls are seldom betrothed later than the
seventh to the tenth year, often, indeed, immediately after birth or
even before. The wife cannot sit at the same table with her husband,
but must wait on him "like an accomplished slave." After he has eaten
she washes his hands, lights his pipe, then retires to a respectful
distance, her face turned toward the mud wall, and finishes what is
left. If she is ill or in trouble, she does not mention it to him,
"for she could only be sure of harsh, rough words instead of loving
sympathy." Their degraded Oriental customs have led the Persians to
the conclusion that "love has nothing to do with the matrimonial
connection," the main purpose of marriage being "the convenience and
pleasure of a degenerate people" (34-114). So far this Persian
clergyman. His conclusions are borne out by the observations of the
keen-eyed Isabella Bird Bishop, who relates in her book on Persia how
she was constantly besieged by the women for potions to bring back the
"love" of their husbands, or to "make the favorite hateful to him."
She was asked if European husbands "divorce their wives when they are
forty?" A Persian who spoke French assured her that marriage in his
country was like buying "a pig in a poke," and that "a woman's life in
Persia is a very sad thing."

[37] _Magazin für d. Lit. des In-und Auslandes_, June 30, 1888.

[38] The philosophy of widow-burning will be explained under the head
of Conjugal Love.

[39] Willoughby, in his article on Washington Indians, recognizes the
predominance of the "animal instinct" in the parental fondness of
savages, and so does Hutchinson (I., 119); but both erroneously use
the word "affection," though Hutchinson reveals his own misuse of it
when he writes that "the savage knows little of the higher affection
subsequently developed, which has a worthier purpose than merely to
disport itself in the mirth of childhood and at all hazards to avoid
the annoyance of seeing its tears." He comprehends that the savage
"gratifies _himself_" by humoring the whims "of his children." Dr.
Abel, on the other hand, who has written an interesting pamphlet on
the words used in Latin, Hebrew, English, and Russian to designate the
different kinds and degrees of what is vaguely called love, while
otherwise making clear the differences between liking, attachment,
fondness, and affection, does not sufficiently emphasize the most
important distinction between them--the selfishness of the first three
and the unselfish nature of affection.

[40] Stanford-Wallace, _Australasia_, 89.

[41] See also the reference to the "peculiar delicacy" of his
relations to Lili, in Eckermann, III., March 5, 1830.

[42] Renan, in one of his short stories, describes a girl, Emma
Kosilis, whose love, at sixteen, is as innocent as it is unconscious,
and who is unable to distinguish it from piety. Regarding the
unconscious purity of woman's love see Moll, 3, and Paget, _Clinical
Lectures_, which discuss the loss in women of instinctive sexual
knowledge. _Cf_. Ribot, 251, and Moreau, _Psychologie Morbide_,
264-278. Ribot is sceptical, because the ultimate goal is the
possession of the beloved. But that has nothing to do with the
question, for what he refers to is unconscious and instinctive. Here
we are considering love as a conscious feeling and ideal, and as such
it is as spotless and sinless as the most confirmed ascetic could wish
it.

[43] The case is described in the _Medical Times_, April 18, 1885.

[44] _Trans. Asiatic Soc. of Japan_, 1885, p. 181.

[45] In the _Journal des Goncourts_ (V., 214-215) a young Japanese,
with characteristic topsy-turviness, comments on the "coarseness" of
European ideas of love, which he could understand only in his own
coarse way. "Vous dites à une femme, je vous aime! Eh bien! Chez nous,
c'est comme si on disait Madame, je vais coucher avec vous. Tont ce
que nous osons dire à la dame que nous aimons, c'est que nous envions
près d'elle la place des canards mandarins. C'est messieurs, notre
oiseau d'amour."

[46] In his _Tropical Nature, Contributions to the Theory of Natural
Selection_, and _Darwinism_. In _R.L.P.B._, 42-50, where I gave a
summary of this question, I suggested that the "typical colors" (the
numerous cases where both sexes are brilliantly colored) for which
Wallace could "assign no function or use," owe their existence to the
need of a means of recognition by the sexes; thus indicating how the
love-affairs of animals may modify their appearance in a way quite
different from that suggested by Darwin, and dispensing with his
postulates of unproved female choice and problematic variations in
esthetic taste.

[47] Angas, II., 65.

[48] Tylor, _Anthr._, 237.

[49] Musters, 171; cf. Thomson, _Through Masai Land_, 89, where we
read that woman's coating of lampblack and castor-oil--her only
dress--serves to prevent excessive perspiration in the day-time and
ward off chills at night.

[50] C. Bock, 273.

[51] O. Baumann, _Mitth. Anthr. Ges._, Wien, 1887, 161.

[52] Nicaragua, II., 345.

[53] Sturt, II., 103.

[54] Tylor, 237.

[55] _Jesuit Relations_, I., 279.

[56] Prince Wied, 149.

[57] Belden, 145.

[58] Mallery, 1888-89, 631-33.

[59] Mallery, 1882-83, 183.

[60] Bourke, 497.

[61] Dobrizhoffer, II., 390.

[62] Mariner, Chapter X.

[63] Ellis, P.R., I., 243.

[64] J. Campbell, _Wild Tribes of Khondistan_.

[65] Mackenzie, _Day Dawn_, 67.

[66] Bastian, _Af.R_., 76.

[67] Burton, _Abcok_. I., 106.

[68] Spencer, _D. Soc._, 27.

[69] J. Franklin, _P.S._, 132.

[70] Dobrizhoffer, II., 17.

[71] Murdoch, 140.

[72] Crantz, I., 216.

[73] Mallery, 1888-89, 621.

[74] Lynd, II., 68.

[75] Bonwick, 27.

[76] Wilkes, III., 355.

[77] Westermarck opines (170) that "such tales are not of much
importance, as any usage practised from time immemorial may easily he
ascribed to the command of a god." On the contrary, such legends are
of very great importance, since they show how utterly foreign to the
thought of these races was the purpose of "decorating" themselves in
these various ways "in order to make themselves attractive to the
opposite sex."

[78] Dorsey, 486.

[79] Fison and Howitt, 253; Frazer, 28.

[80] Mallery, 1888-89, 395, 412, 417.

[81] Wilhelmi, in Woods.

[82] Angas, I., 86.

[83] Mitchell, I., 171.

[84] Spencer, _D.S._, 21, 22; 18, 19.

[85] Schweinfurth, _H.A_., I., 154.

[86] Ellis, _Haw_., 146.

[87] Man, in _Jour. Anthr. Inst_., XII.

[88] Powers, 166.

[89] Dall, 95.

[90] Boas, cited by Mallery, 534.

[91] Mallery, 1888-89, 197, 623-629.

[92] See also the remarks in Prazer's _Totemism_, 26.

[93] _Explor. and Surv. Mississippi River to Pacific Ocean_. Senate
Reports, Washington, 1856, III., 33.

[94] See the pages (386-91) on the "Fashion Fetish" in my _Romantic
Love and Personal Beauty_.

[95] _Jour. Roy. As. Soc_., 1860, 13.

[96] Feathers also serve various other useful purposes to Australians.
An apron of emu feathers distinguishes females who are not yet
matrons. (Smyth, I., xl.) Howitt says that in Central Australia
messengers sent to avenge a death are painted yellow and wear feathers
on their head and in the girdle at the spine. (Mallery, 1888-89, 483.)

[97] Related by Dieffenbach. Heriot even declares of the northern
Indians (352) that "they assert that they find no odor agreeable but
that of food."

[98] For other references to ancient nations, see Joest in _Zeitschr.
für Ethnologie._ 1888, 415.

[99] See, for instance, Spix and Martius, 384.

[100] See _e.g_. Eyre, II. 333-335; Brough Smith, L, XLI, 68, 295,
II., 313; Ridley, _Kamilaroi_, 140; _Journ. Roy. Soc. N.S.W_., 1882,
201; and the old authorities cited by Waitz-Gerland, VI., 740; cf
Frazer, 29. If Westermarck had been more anxious to ascertain the
truth than to prove a theory, would he have found it necessary to
ignore all this evidence, neglecting to refer even to Chatfield in
speaking of Curr?

[101] H. Ward, 136.

[102] Roth, II, 83.

[103] Martius, I., 321.

[104] Boas, _Bur. Ethnol._, 1884-88, 561.

[105] Mann, _Journ. Anthr. Soc._, XII, 333.

[106] Galton, 148.

[107] Dalton, 251.

[108] Waitz-Gerland, VI., 30.

[109] Mallery, 1888-89, 414.

[110] To take three cases in place of many Carl Bock relates (67) that
among some Borneans tattooing is one of the privileges of matrimony
and is _not allowed to unmarried girls_. D'Urville describes the
tattooing of the wife of chief Tuao, who seemed to glory in the "_new
honor_ his wife was securing by these decorations." (Robley, 41.)
Among the Papuans of New Guinea tattooing the chest of females denotes
that they _are married_. (Mallery, 411.)

[111] It is significant that Westermarck (179) though he refers to
page 90 of Turner, ignores the passage I have just cited, though it
occurs on the same page.

[112] Australia is by no means the only country where the women are
less decorated than the men. Various explanations have been offered,
but none of them covers all the facts. The real reason becomes obvious
if my view is accepted that the alleged ornaments of savages are not
esthetic, but practical or utilitarian. The women are usually allowed
to share such things as badges of mourning, amulets, and various
devices that attract attention to wealth or rank; but the religious
rites, and the manifold decorations associated with military life--the
chief occupation of these peoples--they are not allowed to share, and
these, with the tribal marks, furnish, as we have seen, the occasion
for the most diverse and persistent "decorative" practices.

[113] The advocates of the sexual selection theory might have avoided
many grotesque blunders had they possessed a sense of humor to
counterbalance and control their erudition. The violent opposition of
Madagascar women to King Radama's order that the men should have their
hair cut, to which Westermarck refers (174-75), surely finds in the
proverbial stupid conservatism of barbarous customs a simpler and more
rational explanation than in his assumption that this riot illustrated
"the important part played by the hair of the head as a stimulant of
sexual passion" (to these coarse, masculine women, who had to be
speared before they could be quieted). An argument which attributes to
unwashed, vermin-covered savages a fanatic zeal for what they consider
as beautiful, such as no civilized devotee of beauty would ever dream
of, involves its own _reductio ad absurdum_ by proving too much.
Westermarck also cites (177) from a book on Brazil the story that if a
young maiden of the Tapoyers "be marriageable, and yet not courted by
any, the mother paints her with some red color about the eyes," and in
accordance with his theory we are soberly expected to accept this red
paint about the eyes as an effective "stimulant of sexual passion," in
case of a girl whose appearance otherwise did not tempt men to court
her! The obvious object of the paint was to indicate that the girl was
in the market. In other words, it was part of that language of signs
which had such a remarkable development among some of the uncivilized
races (see Mallery's admirable treatises on Indian Pictographs, taking
up hundreds of pages in two volumes of the Bureau of Ethnology at
Washington). Belden relates (145) of the Plains Indians that a warrior
who is courting a squaw usually paints his eyes yellow or blue, and
the squaw paints hers red. He even knew squaws, go through the painful
operation of reddening the eyeballs, which he interprets as resulting
from a desire to fascinate the men; but it is much more likely that it
had some special significance in the language of courtship, probably
as a mark of courage in enduring pain, than that the inflamed eye
itself was considered beautiful. Belden himself further points out
that "a red stripe drawn horizontally from one eye to the other, means
that the young warrior has seen a squaw he could love if she would
reciprocate his attachment," and on p. 144 he explains that "when a
warrior smears his face with lampblack and then draws zigzags with his
nails, it is a sign that he desires to be left alone, or is trapping,
or melancholy, or in love." I had intended to give a special paragraph
to Decorations as Parts of the Language of Signs, but desisted on
reflecting that most of the foregoing facts relating to war, mourning,
tribal, etc., decorations, really came under that head.

[114] _Trans. Eth. Soc.,_ London, N.S., VII., 238; _Journ. Asiatic
Soc. Bengal,_ XXXV., Pt. II., 25. Spencer, _D.S._

[115] In Fiji fatness is also "a mark of high rank, for these people
can only imagine one reason for any person being thin and spare,
namely, not having enough to eat." (W.J. Smythe, 166.)

[116] Yet Westermarck has the audacity to remark (259), that natural
deformity and the unsymmetrical shape of the body are "regarded by
every race as unfavorable to personal appearance"!

[117] It is not strange that the human race should have had to wait so
long for a complete analysis of love. It is not so very long ago since
Newton showed that what was supposed to be a simple white light was
really compounded of all the colors of the rainbow; or that Helmholtz
analyzed sounds into their partial tones of different pitch, which are
combined in what seems to be a simple tone of this or that pitch.
Similarly, I have shown that the pleasures of the table, which
everybody supposes to be simple, gustatory sensations (matters of
taste), are in reality compound odors. See my article on "The
Gastronomic Value of Odors," in the _Contemporary Review_, 1881.

[118] II., 271-74. See also _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1887, 31;
Hellwald, 144.

[119] Which even in tropical countries seldom comes before the
eleventh or twelfth year. See the statistics in Ploss-Bartels, I.,
269-70.

[120] _Alone among the Hairy Ainu_, 140-41.

[121] _Culturgeschichte des Orients_, II, 109.

[122] _Journal des Goncourt_, Tome V. 328-29.

[123] _Trans. Ethn. Soc. N.S._, II, 292.

[124] Ross Cox, cited by Yarrow in his valuable article on Mortuary
Customs of North American Indians, I, _Report Bur. Ethnol.,_ 1879-80.
See also Ploss-Bartels, II., 507-13; Westermarck, 126-28; Letourneau,
Chap. XV., where many other cases are cited.

[125] _Trans. Ninth Internal. Congr. of Orientalists_, London, 1893,
p. 781.

[126] Details and authorities in Ploss-Bartels, II., 514-17;
Westermarck, 125-26; Letourneau, Chap. XV.

[127] For many other cases see references in footnotes 3 and 4,
Westermarck, 378.

[128] The poets and a certain class of novelists also like to dwell on
the love-matches among peasants as compared with commercial city
marriages. As a matter of fact, in no class do sordid pecuniary
matters play so great a rôle as among peasants. (_Cf._ Grosse.
_F.d.F._, 16.)

[129] _Princ. of Soc._, American Edition, pp. 756, 772, 784, 787.

[130] The proofs of man's universal contempt for woman are to be found
in the chapter on "Adoration," and everywhere in this book. Many
additional illustrations are contained in several articles by Crawley
in the _Jour. Anthrop. Inst_., Vol. XXIV.

[131] _Cf_. Ploss-Bartels, I., 471-87, where this topic of infant
marriage is treated with truly German thoroughness and erudition.

[132] To demonstrate the recklessness (to use a mild word) of Darwin
and Westermarck in this matter I will quote the exact words of
Burchell in the passage referred to (II., 58-59): "These men generally
take a second wife as soon as the first becomes somewhat advanced in
years." "Most commonly" the girls are betrothed when about seven years
old, and in two or three years the girl is given to the man. "These
bargains are made with her parents only, and _without ever consulting
the wishes (even if she had any) of the daughter_. When it happens,
which is not often the case, that a girl has grown up to womanhood
without having been betrothed, her lover must gain her approbation _as
well as that of her parents_."

[133] Darwin was evidently puzzled by the queer nature of Reade's
evidence in other matters (_D.M._, Chap. XIX.); yet he naïvely relies
on him as an authority. Reade told him that the ideas of negroes on
beauty are "on the whole, the same as ours." Yet in several other
pages of Darwin we see it noted that according to Reade, the negroes
have a horror of a white skin and admire a skin in proportion to its
blackness; that "they look on blue eyes with aversion, and they think
our noses too long and our lips too thin." "He does not think it
probable," Darwin adds, "that negroes would ever prefer the most
beautiful European woman, on the mere ground of physical admiration,
to a good-looking negress." How extraordinarily like our taste! If a
man had talked to Darwin about corals or angleworms as foolishly and
inconsistently as Reade did about negroes, he would have ignored him.
But in matters relating to beauty or love all rubbish is accepted, and
every globe-trotter and amateur explorer who wields a pen is treated
as an authority.

[134] See McLennan's _Studies in Ancient History_, first and second
series; Spencer's _Principles of Sociology_, I., Part 3, Chap. 4;
Westermarck, Chap. XIV., etc.

[135] Westermarck, 364-66, where many other striking cases of racial
prejudice are given.

[136] For instance omal-win-yuk-un-der, illpoogee, loityo, kernoo,
ipamoo, badjeerie, mungaroo, yowerda, yowada, yoorda, yooada, yongar,
yunkera, wore, yowardoo, marloo, yowdar, koolbirra, madooroo, oggra,
arinva, oogara, augara, uggerra, bulka, yshuckuru, koongaroo,
chookeroo, thaldara, kulla, etc.

[137] See also Merensky's _Süd Afrika_, 68.

[138] As Fritsch says (306) "Kolben found them most excellent
specimens of mankind and invested them with the most manifold virtues"
(see also 312 and 328). A person thus biased is under suspicion when
he praises, but not when he exposes shady sides. My page references
are to the French edition of Kolben. The italics are mine.

[139] Gathered from Hahn's _Tsuni_ and Krönlein's _Wortschatz der
Namaqua Hottentotten._

[140] The details given by the Rev. J. MacDonald (_Journal Anthrop.
Soc._, XX., 1890, 116-18) cannot possibly be cited here. Our argument
is quite strong enough without them. Westermarck devotes ten pages to
an attempt to prove that immorality is not characteristic of
uncivilized races in general. He leads off with that preposterous
statement of Barrow that "a Kaffir woman is chaste and extremely
modest;" and most of his other instances are based on equally flimsy
evidence. I shall recur to the subject repeatedly. It is hardly
necessary to call the reader's attention to the unconscious humor of
the assertion of Westermarck's friend Cousins that "between their
various feasts the Kaffirs have to live in strict continence"--which
is a good deal like saying of a toper that "between drinks he is
strictly sober."

[141] It may seem inconsistent to condemn Barrow on one page as
unreliable and then quote him approvingly on another. But in the first
case his assertion was utterly opposed to the unanimous testimony of
those who knew the Kaffirs best, while in this instance his remarks
are in perfect accordance with what we would expect under the
circumstances and with the testimony of the standard authorities.

[142] Vid. Mantegazza, _Geschlechtsverhältnisse des Menschen_, 213.

[143] From an article in the _Humanitarian_, March, 1897, it appears
that this "leap-year" custom still prevails among Zulus; but the dawn
of civilization has introduced a modification to the effect that when
the girl is refused, a present is usually given her "to ease her
feelings." At least that is the way Miss Colenso puts it. Wood (80)
relates a story of a Kaffir girl who persistently wooed a young chief
who did not want her; she had to be removed by force and even beaten,
but kept returning until, to save further bother, the chief bought
her.

[144] Ignorant sentimentalists who have often argued that the absence
of illegitimate offspring argues moral purity will do well to ponder
what Thomson says on page 580, and compare with it the remarks of the
Rev. J. Macdonald, who lived twelve years among the tribes between
Cape Colony and Natal, regarding their use of herbs. (_Journal
Anthrop. Soc._, XIX., 264.) See also Johnston (413).

[145] To what almost incredible lengths sentimental defenders of
savages will go, may be seen in an editorial article with which the
London _Daily News_ of August 4, 1887, honored my first book. I was
informed therein that "savages are not strangers to love in the most
delicate and noble form of the passion.... The wrong conclusion must
not be drawn from Monteiro's remark, 'I have never seen a negro put
his arm around a negro's waist.' It is the uneducated classes who may
be seen to exhibit in the parks those harmless endearments which
negroes have too much good taste to practise before the public." To
one who knows the African savage as he is, such an assertion is worth
a whole volume of _Punch_.

[146] Westermarck (358), as usual, accepts Johnston's statement about
poetic love on the Congo as gospel truth, without examining it
critically.

[147] Bleek credits these tales to Schön's _Grammar of the Hausa
Language_, Schlenker's _Collection of Temne Traditions_, and Kölle's
_African Native Literature_, where the original Bornu text may be
found.

[148] _Folk Lore Journal_, London, 1888, 119-22.

[149] Compare this with what I said on page 340 about the behavior of
girls in the New Britain Group.

[150] _Revue d'Anthropologie,_ 1883.

[151] See an elaborate discussion of this question by the Rev. John
Mathew in the _Journal of the Royal Society of N.S. Wales,_ Vol.
XXIII., 335-449.

[152] See, _e.g._, the hideous pictures of Australian women enclosed
in G.W. Earl's _The Papuans_. Spencer and Gillen's admirable volume
also contains pictures of "young women" who look twice their age.
After the age of twenty, the authors write, the face becomes wrinkled,
the breasts pendulous, the whole body shrivelled. At fifty they reach
"a stage of ugliness which baffled description" (40,40).

[153] _Royal Geogr. Soc of Australasia_, 1887, Vol. V., 29.

[154] _Trans. Ethn. Soc., New Ser_., III., 248, 288; cited by Spencer,
_D.S._, 26.

[155] He adds in a foot-note (320) "Foeminae sese per totam paene