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settlements were more numerous than place-names indicate, that they
took place at a later date, for instance, than those in Central
England. Brate showed that the general character of Scandinavian
loanwords in the Ormulum is East Scandinavian. Wall concludes that
it is not possible to determine the exact source of the loanwords in
modern English dialects because "the dialect spoken by the Norsemen
and the Danes at the time of settlement had not become sufficiently
differentiated to leave any distinctive trace in the loanwords
borrowed from them, or (that) neither race preponderated in any
district so far as to leave any distinctive mark upon the dialect of
the English peasantry." It is true that the general character of
the language of the two races was at the time very much the same,
but some very definite dialectal differentiations had already taken
place, and I believe the dialectal provenience of a very large
number of the loanwords can be determined. Furthermore, the
distribution of certain place-names indicates that certain parts
were settled more especially by Danes, others by Norsemen. The
larger number of loanwords in Wall's "List A" seem to me to be
Danish. My own list of loanwords bears a distinctively Norse stamp,
as I shall show in Part III. of this work. This we should also
expect, judging from the general character of Scandinavian place-
names in Southern Scotland.
2. PLACE-NAMES AND SETTLEMENTS IN NORTHWESTERN ENGLAND.
Cumberland and Westmoreland, together covering an area equal to
about two-thirds that of Yorkshire, have 300 Scandinavian place-
names. Yorkshire has 407 according to Worsaae's table. The character
of these names in Cumberland and Westmoreland is different from that
of those in the rest of England. It seems that these counties were
settled predominantly by Norsemen and also perhaps at a later date
than that which we accept for the settlements in York and
Lincolnshire. We know that as early as 795 Norse vikings began their
visits to Ireland; that they settled and occupied the Western Isles
about that time; that in 825 the Faroes were first colonized by
Norsemen, partly from the Isles. After 870 Iceland was settled by
Norsemen from Norway, but in part also from the Western Isles and
Ireland. The 'Austmen' in Ireland, especially Dublin, seem
frequently to have visited the opposite shore. It seems probable
that Northwestern England was settled chiefly by Norsemen from
Ireland, Man, and the Isles on the west. It is not likely that any
settlements took place before 900. It seems more probable that they
belong rather to the second quarter of the 10th Century or even
later, when the Irish began successfully to assert themselves
against the Norse kings in Dublin and Waterford. Perhaps some may
have taken place even as late as the end of the 10th Century.
3. SCANDINAVIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SOUTHERN SCOTLAND.
In Southern Scotland, Dumfriesshire, Eastern Kircudbright and
Western Roxburgh seem to have formed the center of Scandinavian
settlements; so, at any rate, the larger number of place-names would
indicate. The dialect spoken here is in many respects very similar
to that of Northwestern England, D. 31 in Ellis, and the general
character of the place-names is the same. These are, however, far
fewer than in Northwestern England. Worsaae gives a list of about
30. This list is not exhaustive. From additional sources, rather
incomplete, I have been able to add about 80 more Scandinavian
place-names that occur in Southern Scotland, most of them of the
same general character as those in Northwestern England. Among them:
Applegarth, Cogarth, Auldgirth, Hartsgarth, Dalsgairth, Tundergarth,
Stonegarthside, Helbeck, Thornythwaite, Twathwaite, Robiethwaite,
Murraythwaite, Lockerby, Alby, Denbie, Middlebie, Dunnabie, Wysebie,
Perceby, Newby, Milby, Warmanbie, Sorbie, Canoby, Begbie, Sterby,
Crosby, Bushby, Magby, Pockby, Humbie, Begbie, Dinlaybyre, Maybole,
Carnbo, Gateside, Glenholm, Broomholm, Twynholm, Yetholm, Smailholm,
Langholm, Cogar, Prestwick, Fenwick, Howgate, Bowland, Arbigland,
Berwick, Southwick, Corstorphine, Rowantree, Eggerness, Southerness,
Boness, etc. There are in all about 110 such place-names, with a
number of others that may be either English or Scandinavian. The
number of Scandinavian elements in Southern Scotch is, however, very
great and indicates larger settlements than can be inferred from
place-names alone. In the case of early settlements these will
generally represent fairly well the extent of settlement. But where
they have taken place comparatively late, or where they have been of
a more peaceful nature, the number of new names of places that
result from them may not at all indicate their extent. The
Scandinavians that settled in Southern Scotland probably at no time
exceeded in number the native population. The place-names would then
for the most part remain unchanged. The loanwords found in Southern
Scotch and the names of places resemble those of Northwestern
England. The same Northern race that located in Cumberland and
Westmoreland also located in Scotland. It is probable, as Worsaae
believed, that it is a second migration, chiefly from Cumberland.
Dumfriesshire, at any rate, may have been settled in this way. The
settlers of Kircudbright and Wigtown were probably largely from the
Isles on the west. Other independent settlements were made in
Lothian and the region about the Forth. That these are all later
than those of Cumberland and Westmoreland is probable. According to
what has been said above, the settlements in Dumfries, which seem to
have been the earliest, could not have taken place before about the
second quarter of the 10th Century, and probably were made later.
The other settlements in Southern Scotland may extend even into the
11th Century. The name Dingwall (O.N. _Ethingvoellr_) in Dumfries, the
place where the laws were announced annually, indicates a rather
extensive settlement in Dumfries, and the dialect of Dumfries is
also characterized by a larger number of Scandinavian elements than
the rest of the Southern counties.
4. SETTLEMENTS IN ENGLAND, NORSE OR DANISH? THE PLACE-NAME TEST.
That the Danes were more numerous than the Norsemen in Central and
Eastern England from Northumberland down to the Thames there can be
no doubt. The distinctive Norse names _fell_, _tarn_ and _force_ do
not occur at all, while _thorpe_ and _toft_, which are as
distinctively Danish, are confined almost exclusively to this
section. In Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, Westmoreland and
Lancashire _thorpe_ is comparatively rare, while _toft_ is not found
at all. On the other hand, _fell_, _dale_, _force_, _haugh_, and
_tarn_ (O.N. _fjall_, _dalr_, _foss_ and _fors_, _haugr_, _tjoern_)
occur in large numbers in Northwestern England. _Beck_ may be either
Danish or Norse, occurs, however, chiefly in the North. _Thwaite_
Worsaae regarded as Danish "because it occurs generally along with
the Danish _by_." We find, however, that this is not exactly the
case. In Lincolnshire there are 212 _by's_, in Leicestershire 66, in
Northampton 26; _thwaite_ does not occur at all. In Yorkshire there
are 167 names in _by_ and only 8 in _thwaite_, and 6 of these are in
West Riding. It is only in Cumberland and Westmoreland that the
proportions are nearly the same, but on _by_ see below Sec.5. _Tveit_
is far more common in Norway than _tved_ in Denmark. The form of the
word in place-names in England is, furthermore, more Norse than
Danish. In the earliest Scandinavian settlements in England, those
of Lincolnshire, for instance, _thwaite_ might be Danish if it
occurred, for monophthongation of _aei_ to _e_ did not take place in
Danish before about the end of the 9th Century; by about 900 this
was complete (see Sec.6). The Scandinavian settlements in Northwestern
England, however, did not take place so early, consequently if these
names were Danish and not Norse we should expect to find _thwet_, or
_thweet_ (_tweet_), in place of _thwaite_. It is then to be regarded
as Norse and not Danish. _Thwaite_ occurs almost exclusively in
Northwestern England--43 times in Cumberland as against 3 in the
rest of England south of Yorkshire. _Garth_ (O.N. _garethr_, O. Dan.
_gardh_, later _gaard_), occurs very often in Cumberland. _With_,
_ness_, _holm_, _land_, and _how_, do not occur very often. _How_
reminds one of the Jutish _hoew_ in Modern Danish dialect. The rest
of these may be either Danish or Norse. In Yorkshire we find a mixed
condition of affairs. East Riding, as we should expect, has
predominantly Danish names. _Thorpe_, which occurs 63 times in
Lincolnshire, is found 48 times in East Riding. _Fell_, _tarn_ and
_haugh_ do not occur. _Force_ is found twice, and _thwaite_ once.
_Dale_, however, occurs 12 times. West Riding was probably settled
by Danes from the East and by Norsemen from the West. _Thorpe_
occurs 29 times, _with_ 8, _toft_ 2, _beck_ 4, _fell_ 15, _thwaite_
6, _dale_ 12, and _tarn_ 2. In North Riding _thorpe_ occurs 18
times. _Force_, _fell_, and _tarn_ together 12. The large number of
names in _dale_ in North Riding is rather striking (40 in all), as
compared with 52 for Westmoreland and Cumberland. While _dale_ is
predominantly Norse, it may perfectly well be Danish, and it is not
rare in Denmark. Furthermore, the greater number of _dales_ in
Norway as compared with Denmark is largely accounted for by the
nature of the country. No conclusions can be drawn from names in
_force_ in Yorkshire, Cumberland and Westmoreland, as it is of too
infrequent occurrence. _Fell_ occurs 22 times in York, as against 57
in Cumberland and Westmoreland (42 in Westmoreland alone), but in
York occurs predominantly in West Riding, where everything points to
a mixed settlement. The distribution of _tarn_ is interesting.
_Tarn_ is as distinctively Norse as _thorpe_ is Danish. It occurs 24
times in Cumberland and Westmoreland, 3 in North Riding, and is not
found at all south of Westmoreland and York.
5. _BY_ IN PLACE-NAMES. CONCLUSIONS AS TO THIS TEST.
_By_ has been regarded as a sign of Danish settlement for the
following reasons: (1) O.N. _boer_ would have given _bo_. The O. Dan.
form _byr_ becomes _by_. (2) _By_ is peculiar to Denmark, rare in
Norway. (3) _Boe_ or _bo_ is the form found in Insular Scotland, in
the Faroes and other Norse settlements. First, the form _b[`y]r_ is
not exclusively O. Dan. It occurs several times in Old Norse sagas
in the form _byr_ and _by_--in "Flateyarbok," III., 290, in
"Fagrskinna" 41, several times in the "Heimskringla," as well as
elsewhere. Again, J. Vibe (see Nordisk Tidskrift, 1884, 535, and
Norsk Historisk Tidskrift, 2 Raekke, 5 Bind), has shown that _by_ is
not peculiar to Denmark and rare in Norway. It occurs 600-700 times
in Denmark and Skane, and 450 times in Norway. Finally, _by_ is
often found in Norse settlements in Scotland and elsewhere--in
Iceland, Shetland, Orkney, Man, and in the Western Isles. In fact,
_by_ seems to be the more common form outside of Iceland. All we can
say then is that _by_ is more Danish than Norse, but may also be
Norse. Where names in _by_ are numerous it indicates that the
settlements are rather Danish, but they may also be Norse. We have,
then, the following results: Predominantly Danish settlements:
Essex, Bedford, Buckingham, Suffolk, Norfolk, Northampton,
Leicester, Rutland, Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, East Riding. Mixed
Norse and Danish settlements: North Riding, West Riding, Durham,
part of Cheshire, and Southern Lancashire. Norse settlements:
Cumberland, Westmoreland, North Lancashire, part of Cheshire, and
parts of Northumberland. The number of Scandinavian place-names in
Northumberland is not large, only 22 in Worsaae's list. North of the
Cheviot Hills the names are again predominantly Norse.
6. CHARACTERISTICS OF OLD NORTHERN, OR OLD SCANDINAVIAN.
EARLY DIALECTAL DIFFERENTIATION.
On the characteristics of primitive Northern and the changes that
had taken place in the language before the Viking period, see
Noreen, P.G.(2)I, 521-526. On pp. 523-526 are summarized the
characteristics of General Northern. Until 800 the Northern tongue
was unitary throughout the Scandinavian North. In the Viking age
dialectal differentiations began to appear, especially in O. Dan.
These are as follows (from Noreen):
About 800, older _hr_ > _r_ in Denmark.
Soon after 800, older diphthongs became simplified in Denmark,
e.g.,
_au_ > _u_ cp. O. Ic. _žau_, O.Gutnic _žaun_ = O. Dan. _žusi_
pronounced _žosi_.
_ai_, _ei_ > _i_ cp. O. Ic. _stein_, O.N. _staein_, O.Gtnc.
_stain_ = O. Dan. _stin_.
_io_, _iau_ > _u_ cp. O.N., O. Ic. _briote_, O.Gtnc.
_briauti_ = O. Dan. _biruti_.
Before 1000, _[-e]_ > _ae_ cp. O.N., O. Ic. _ser_ = O. Dan. _saer_
(written _sar_).
About 1,000, appears in O. Sw.--O. Dan. an excrescent _d_ between
_nn_ and _r_, e.g., _mantr_, pronounced _mandr_ (see Noreen,
p. 526).
7. OLD NORSE AND OLD DANISH.
Not until the year 1,000, or the beginning of the 11th Century, do
dialectal differentiations seem to be fully developed. O.N., which
in general preserves best the characteristics of the old Northern
speech, undergoes at this time a few changes that differentiate Dan.
and Norse still more. O. Sw. remains throughout closer to O. Dan. The
two together are therefore called East Scandinavian. Old Icelandic,
that is, Norse on Icelandic soil, develops its own forms, remaining,
however, in the main very similar to O.N. These two are then called
West Scandinavian. The following are some of the chief differences
between West and East Scandinavian at the time (from Noreen,
P.G.(2)I, 527):
1. _I_--(_R_) and _U_--_Umlaut_ in W.S. Absence of it in E.S.,
e.g.,
W.S. _haeldr_ E.S. _halder_.
3 sg. pres. of _halda_, "to hold."
W.S. _i gaer_, "yesterday," E.S. _i gar_.
W.S. _l[o,]nd_, pl. "land," E.S. _land_.
2. Development of _i_, _e_, _y_ into a consonantal _i_ in
diphthongs in W. S., not so in E. S., e.g.,
W.S. _sia_, "to see," E.S. _s[-e]a_.
W.S. _fiande_, "enemy," E.S. _fiande_.
W.S. _biar_, "of a village," E.S. _byar_.
3. Assimilation of _mp_, _nk_, _nt_, respectively, to _pp_, _kk_,
_tt_ in W.S., retention of them in E.S., e.g.,
W.S. _kroppen_, "crippled," E.S. _krumpin_.
W.S. _aekkia_, "widow," E.S. _ankia_.
W.S. _batt_, "bound," E.S. _binda_.
pret. of _binda_,
4. The Medio-passive:
W.S. _sk_, e.g., _kallask_, E.S. _s_, _kallas_.
5. Pronominal forms:
W.S. _ek_, _ver_ (_mer_), E.S. _iak_, _v[-i]r_,
_er_ (_žer_), _sem_, _[-i]r_, _sum_.
8. REMARKS.
Assimilation of _mp_ to _pp_ and _nk_ to _kk_ appears also quite
early in Danish and Swedish, e.g., _kap_ (_kapp_) and _drocken_ (see
Kalkar), _kapp_ and _drokken_ (Sw.). _U--Umlaut_ seems to be more
limited in O.N. than in O. Ic. O. Ic. _hl_, _hn_, _hr_ initially
appear early as simple _l_, _n_, _r_ in O.N. (see Noreen 528), e.g.,
O. Ic. _hlaupa_, O.N. _loupa_; O. Ic. _hniga_, O.N. _niga_; O. Ic.
_hringr_, O.N. _ringr_; O. Ic. _fn_ appears in O.N. as _bn_ or _mn_,
e.g., O. Ic. _nafn_, O.N. _namn_ (N. Norse _navn_, _nabn_, _namn_).
Initial _hv_, which was a heavy guttural spirant, became _kv_ in
Western Norway, _kv_ and _khv_ in Iceland (though written _hv_
still), e.g., O.N., O. Ic. _hvelva_, Norse _kvelva_. O.N. _o_ became
_oeae_ in Iceland, _doma_ > _doeaema_. O.N. _oeaei_ became _ei_ in Iceland,
e.g., O.N. _stoeaein_ > O. Ic. _stein_, O.N. _boeaein_ > O. Ic. _bein_
(_stin_ and _bin_ in O. Dan.).
9. CHARACTERISTICS OF OLD NORTHUMBRIAN.
The following are some of the chief differences between O. Nhb. and
W. S:
1. Preference in O. Nhb. for _a_ in many cases where W. S. has _e_.
2. _A_ sometimes appears in closed syllable where W.S. has ae.
3. _A_ before _l_ + consonant is not broken to _ea_ (Sievers
Sec.121.3, and Lindeloef: Die Sprache des Durham Rituals).
4. _A_ before _r_ + consonant very frequently not broken, cp.
_arm_, _farra_. Breaking occurs more often, however.
5. _E_ before _l_ + consonant not broken in the Ritual (see
Lindeloef).
6. _E_ before _r_ + consonant is broken and appears as either _ea_
or _eo_, cp. _eorthe_, _earthe_.
7. _A_ before _h_, _ht_, _x_ (_hs_) becomes _oeae_. Sievers Sec.162.1.
In W.S. _a_ was broken to _oeea_, cp. O. Nhb. _sax_, W.S. _seax_.
This Lindeloef explains as due to the different quality of the
_h_--in W.S. it was guttural, hence caused breaking; in Nhb. it
was palatal and hence the preceding _a_ was palatalized to _oeae_.
8. Nhb. umlaut of _o_ is _oe[oe]_. In W. S. it was _e_, cp.
_doe[oe]ma_, _soe[oe]ca_, W. S. _d[-e]man, s[-e]can_. See Sievers Sec.Sec.27
and 150.4. Bouterwek CXXVII, and Lindeloef. This difference was,
however, levelled out, Nhb. _oe[oe]_ becoming also _e_, according to
Sievers.
9. Special Nhb. diphthongs _ei_, _ai_, cp. _heista_, _seista_,
W.S. _hiehsta_, _siexta_.
10. Influence of preceding _w_ was greater than in the South.
A diphthong whose second element was a dark vowel was simplified
generally to a dark vowel (Lindeloef), e.g., _weo_ > _wo_,
_wio_ > _wu_, cp. _weorld_ > _world_, _weord_ > _word_, etc.
11. W.S. _t_ is represented quite frequently by _eth_ or _d_,
regularly so when combined with _l_, often so when combined with
_s_. See Lindeloef above.
12. W.S. _eth_ frequently appears as _d_ in the North; the reverse
also occurs. See Bouterwek CXLII-CXLV. In a few cases _eth_ > _t_.
13. _C_ before _t_ where W. S. regularly has _h_. See Bouterwek.
14. Metathesis of _r_ less extensive than in W. S.
15. Preceding _g_, _c_, _sc_ did not cause diphthongation in Nhb.
as often as in W. S.
16. Generally speaking, less extensive palatalization in Nhb. than
in W. S.
17. Dropping of final _n_ in infinitives in Northumbrian.
10. REMARKS. METATHESIS OF _R_.
The above characteristics of O. Nhb. will not only explain a great
many later Scotch forms, but also show that a number of words which
have been considered loanwords are genuine English. Sco. _daw_,
"day," need not necessarily be traced to O.N. _dagr_. The W.S. _daeg_
gave Eng. _day_. _Daeg_ is also the Northern form. _Daw_ may of
course be due to _a_ in the oblique cases, but according to 2 _dag_
may have appeared in the nominative case early in the North. This
would develop to _daw_. Sco. _daw_, verb, "to dawn," is easily
explained. W.S. _dagian_ > _dawn_ regularly, Nhb. _dagia_ (see 17
above) > _daw_. The O.N. _daga_, "to dawn," is then out of the
question. Sco. _mauch_, "a kinsman"; the O.E. form was _maeg_, which
would have given _may_. In the North the _g_ was probably not
palatal. Furthermore a Northern form _mag_ would regularly develop
to _maw_, might also be _mauch_ (cp. _law_ and _lawch_, adj., "low,"
O.N. _lagr_). O.N. _magr_, "kinsman," may, however, be the source of
_mauch_. Sco. _hals_ is not from O.N. _hals_, but from O. Nhb. _hals_
which corresponded to W. S. _heals_; Sco. _hawse_, "to clasp,"
(Ramsay, II, 257); comes from O. Nhb. _halsiga_, W. S. _healsian_.
(Sco. _hailse_, "to greet," is a different word, see loanword list,
part II.). Forms that appear later in standard English frequently
are found earliest in the North (cp. Sec.10). No. 13 explains some
differences in the later pronunciation of Sco. and Eng. No. 12 is a
characteristic that is much more common in Middle and Early New
Scotch. Many words in this way became identical in form with their
Norse cognates, cp. _broder_, _fad(d)er_, etc. This will be
discussed later. No. 14, Metathesis of _r_, was carried out
extensively in W. S. (see Sievers, 179), e.g., _beornan_ "burn";
_iernan_, "run"; _burn_, "a stream"; _hors_, "horse"; _forsk_,
"frog"; _žerscan_, "to thrash"; _berstan_, "to burst"; _fierst_,
"a space of time," (cp. Norse _frist_, Germ. _Frist_). This
progressive metathesis of _r_ is very common in the South. In the
North, on the contrary, metathesis of _r_ has taken place before
_ht_ in _frohtian, fryhtu_, etc. (Sievers, 179, 2). In addition to
these a large number of words appear in Old and Middle Sco.
differing from literary English with regard to metathesis, sometimes
showing metathesis where Eng. does not. A list of words will
illustrate this difference: _thyrldom_, "thraldom"; _thirl_, "to
enthrall"; _fryst_, "first"; _brest_, "to burst"; _thretty_,
"thirty"; _thrid_, "third"; _thirl_, "to pierce thirl"; _gyrs_,
"grass"; _krul_, "curl"; _drit_, "dirt"; _warsill_, "to wrestle";
_scart_, "to scratch"; _cruddled_, "curdled"; _birde_, O.E. _brid_,
"offspring." The result is that many of these words are more like
the corresponding O.N. words than the Anglo-Saxon (cp. O.N.
_fristr_, _brenna_, Norse _tretti_, _tredie_, etc.), hence they
have in many cases been considered loanwords. Sco. _braist_ and
_landbrest_, "breakers," (cp. O.N. _bresta_, _landbrest_), are not
from the Norse but from the corresponding O. Nhb. words. _Cors_ which
occurs in Gau may be a similar case and like Eng. _cross_ derived
from O. Fr. _crois_, but Gau otherwise shows considerable Danish
influence and Gau's form may be due to that. Eng. _curl_ and _dirt_
(from O.Du. _krul_ and O.N. _drit_) have undergone metathesis. The
Sco. words have not.
11. THE QUESTION OF PALATALIZATION IN O. Nhb.
Just to what extent _g_, _c_, _sc_ were palatalized in O. Nhb. is not
definitely known. Until this has been ascertained the origin of a
number of dialect words in the North will remain uncertain. The
palatal character of _g_, _c_, _sc_ in O.E. was frequently
represented by inserting a palatal vowel, generally _e_, before the
following guttural vowel. Kluge shows (in Litteraturblatt fuer germ,
und rom. Philologie, 1887, 113-114) that the Middle English
pronunciation of _crin[vg]en_, _sin[vg]en_, proves early
palatalization, which was, however, not indicated in the writing of
the O.E. words _cringan_, _singan_. And in the same way
palatalization existed in a great many words where it was not
graphically represented. Initial _sc_ was always palatalized (Kluge,
114 above). In the MSS. _k_ seems to represent a guttural, _c_ a
palatal sound of older _c_ (Sievers, 207, 2). Palatalization of _c_
is quite general. _K_ became palatalized to _c_ in primitive Eng.
initially before front vowels, also before Gmc. _e_ and _eu_ (Kluge,
P.G.(2)I, 991). Kluge accepts gutturalizing of a palatal _c_ before
a consonant where this position is the result of syncopation of a
palatal vowel. In the South palatal _c_ became a fricative _ch_.
According to Kluge it never developed to _ch_ in Northern England
and Scotland, but either remained _c_ or recurred to a guttural _k_.
The same is true with regard to _g_. The exact extent of such
palatalization is very difficult to determine. It is possible that
the sound always remained a guttural in the North. We have seen that
_c_ or _g_ did not cause diphthongation of the following vowel in
the North as often as in the South. In view of the fact that
palatalization was not always indicated, this may not prove
anything, but may, however, indicate less palatalization than in the
South. The fact that _e_ or _i_ was sometimes inserted before a
following dark vowel, cp. _ahefgia_, "gravare," _gefragia_,
"interrogare," proves that palatalization in these words, at least,
existed.
12. _SK_ AS A SCANDINAVIAN SIGN. CERTAIN WORDS IN _SK_.
PALATALIZATION IN NORSE.
Wall argues that non-palatalization cannot be regarded as a sign of
Scand. influence and cites a number of words in support of this
conclusion (see Wall, Sec.30). With regard to _dick_, "ditch," and
_sag_, "sedge," Wall is probably right. Those in _sk_ are, however,
not so easily disposed of. The presence of certain words with _sk_
in the South or those cited in _sh_ in the North does not prove the
case. While the presence of a word in South Eng. diall. is in favor
of its genuine Eng. origin, it does not prove it, for certain words,
undoubtedly Scand., are found in the Southern dialects. _Shag_,
"rough hair," Skeat regards as Norse rather than Eng. _Scaggy_,
"shaggy," with initial _sk_, I would regard as Norse from O.N.
_skegg_, not from O.E. _sceagga_. _Shriek_ Skeat regards as Scand.
Bradley derives it from O.L.G. _scricon_ which is found once in the
Heliand. Eng. dial. _skrike_. Wall on the other hand derives it from
O.E. _scricon_, since _scric_ is found. _Scric_ occurs in O.E. as
the name of the shriekbird. The vb. is not found. Whether we regard
"shriek" native or not, _scrike_ is to be derived from O.N.
_skrika_. _Skeer_ is from O.N. _skera_; _sheer_ from O.E. _sceran_.
In form if not in meaning, we have an exact parallel in the M.E.
_skir_, "bright," from O.N. _skir_, and _schir_ from O.E. _scir_. In
a few cases words that seem Scand. appear with _sh_, not _sk_. The
etymology of such words, however, becomes rather doubtful. This is
especially the case where in the Norse word a guttural vowel
followed the _sk_. Where, however, the Norse or Dan. word had a
palatal vowel after the _sk_ the change to _sh_ is not at all
impossible, and here arises the question of palatalization in O.N.
O.N. _skiol_, pron. _sk-iol_, with _sk_, = Norse _skj[-u]l_ (pron.
_sh[-u]l_). _Ski_ thus becomes _sh_ in O.N. _skilinn_, Norse _shil_,
O.N. _skilja_, Norse _shilja_ (or _skille_), O.N. _skipta_, Norse
_shifta_. West Norse also shows change of _k_ to _ch_ before _i_
where the _k_ has been kept in East Scand., e.g., O. Ic. _ekki_ =
W.Norse (dial.) _ikkje_ or _intje_, pron. _ittje_, _intje_,
Dan. _ikke_ (_igge_). _I_ between _sk_ and a dark vowel early became
_j_ in Norse, which then gave the preceding _sk_ something of a
palatal nature. The development of O.N. _skiol_ into _shiel_ in
Scotland and England may be explained in this way, as _skiol_ >
_shul_ in Norway. This is, however, to be understood in this way,
that if an _i_ or _e_ followed the _sk_, this was in condition to
become palatalized, not that it was at all palatal at the time of
borrowing. The sound was then distinctly guttural, and the guttural
character of _sk_ has in nearly every case been kept in Scand.
loanwords in English, for palatalization of O.E. _sc_ was completed
before the period of borrowing. This palatalization of _sk_ was
general in Scotland as well as in England, and such words in _sk_
must be regarded as Scand. loanwords.
13. CONCLUSION AS TO THE TEST OF NON-PALATALIZATION.
As initial _sk_, corresponding to O.N. _sk_, O.E. _sc_, is due to
Scand. influence, so, in general, medial and final _sk_ may be also
so regarded: cp. here Sco. _harsk_, "harsh," _bask_ (adj.), _mensk_,
_forjeskit_, etc. The guttural character of _g_ and _k_ in Sco. is
not to be regarded as due to Scand. influence. Thus _mirk_, _reek_,
_steek_, _streek_, _breek_, _dik, rike_, _sark_, _kirn_, _lig_,
_brig_, _rig_, etc., are to be derived from the corresponding O. Nhb.
words, not from O.N. There is something of uncertainty in these
words, however, as they all could come from the O.N. O.N. _hryggr_,
for instance, would become _rig_ in Sco., just as would O. Nhb.
_rycg_ (_rygg_). O.N. _bryggia_ would become _brig_, just as well as
O. Nhb. _brycg_ (_brygg_). The _i_ after _g_ in _bryggia_ does not
hinder this, since, as we know, the O.N. word was pronounced
_brygg-ia_, not _bryddja_, as a later form would be.
14. OLD AND MIDDLE SCOTCH.
After Chaucer, Northumbrian English became a mere popular dialect
no longer represented in literature. But the form of Northumbrian
spoken north of the Tweed, Lowland Scotch, has during the next three
hundred years quite a different history. From the Scottish war of
Independence to the Union of the Crowns, Scotland had its own
literary language. It is customary to speak of three periods of
Scottish language and literature as Old, Middle and New: Old Scotch
extending down to about 1450; Middle Scotch to the Union of the
Crowns; and New Scotch covering the period after the Union. This is,
of course, simply a Northern and later form of the Northumbrian we
have discussed above.
15. SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF SCOTCH. O.E. _[)A]_, _[-A]_.
There are no monuments in O.Sco. dating back to the 13th or first
half of the 14th Century. The first of any importance that we have
is "The Bruce" of 1375. By this time the language of Scotland had
already undergone many changes that made its general character quite
different from literary or Midland English. None of these changes
tended so much to differentiate the two as the very different
development of O.E. long and short _a_. In the south O.E. _a_ >
_[-e]_ (_name_ > _n[-e,]m_ > _n[-e]m_); but O.E. _[-a]_ > _[-o,]_,
later _[-o]_ (_st[-a]n_ > _st[-o,]n_ > _st[-o]ne_, _h[-a]m_ >
_h[-o,]m_ > _h[-o]me_). The change of _[-a]_ to _[-o,]_ (probably
about 1200) took place before that of _[)a]_ to _[-a]_, else they
would have coincided and both developed to _[-o]_ or _[-e]_. The
last is precisely what took place in Scotland. O. Nhb. _[)a]_ >
_[-a]_ and early coincided with original _[-a]_, and along with it
developed to later _[-e]_, as only short _a_ did in the south. The
two appear together in rhyme in Barbour. Their graphic
representation is _a_, _ai_, _ay_. The sound in Barbour is probably
_[-ae]_ or _[-e,]_. In "Wallace" Fr. _entre_ is also written
_entray_, _entra_. Fr. _a_ and _ei_ and Eng. diphthong _ai_ (< _aeg_)
rhyme regularly with Sco. _a_, _ay_, _ai_, from O.E. _[-a]_. On O.E.
and O.N. _[-a]_- and M. Sco. _[-e]_-sounds in general see Curtis,
Sec.Sec.1-165.
16. CURTIS'S TABLE.
The following (see Curtis Sec.Sec.144-145) illustrates the development of
O.E. _[)a]_, and _[-a]_, in England and Scotland:
1. Central Scotland. {O.E. _[)a]_}
{ } > an _[-e]_-vowel.
{O.E. _[-a]_}
2. S. Scotland and {O.E. _[)a]_}
Ellis's D. 31* { } > _[-e]_ > an _i_-
in England. { } fracture in
{O.E. _[-a]_} the mdn. diall.
{ > an _[-e]_-vowel.
3. The rest of Northern { O.E. _[)a]_ { > _[-e]_, later
England and Midland. { { _[-i]_-fracture in
{ { D 25, 26, 28, 29.
{
{ O.E. _[-a]_ > _[-o]_ or _[-u]_,
with fracture.
4. Southern England { O.E. _[)a]_ > an _e_-fracture or
{ _i_-fracture.
{ O.E. _[-a]_ > _[-u]_ or _[-o]_.
[*Footnote: Ellis's D 31 = N. W. Yorkshire, Cumberland,
Westmoreland and N. Lancashire.]
In 1. O.E. _h[-a]m_ > _h[-e]m_, _n[)a]me_ > _n[-e]m_.
In 2. _h[-a]m_ > _h[-e]m_ > _hi[schwa]m_, _n[)a]me_ > _n[-e]m_ >
_ni[schwa]m_.
In 3. _h[-a]m_ > _h[-o]m_, _ho[schwa]m_, _ho^{u}m_ or _h[-u]m_ with
fracture.
_n[)a]me_ > _n[-e]m_.
_n[)a]me_ > _n[-e]m_ > _ni[schwa]m_ in certain dialects.
In 4. _h[-a]m_ > _h[-u]m_, or _hom_.
_n[)a]me_ > _ne[schwa]m_, _ni[schwa]m_.
The intermediate stage of this development, however, is explained
in two ways. According to Curtis it was (in 2) _[-a]_ > _[-e,]_ >
_[-e]_ > _[-i]_ > _i[schwa]_. Luik (Sec.244) shows that
das Vorruecken zum Vocalextrem ist an die Abstumpfung gebunden;
wir finden es nur dort, wo auch Abstumpfung zu constatieren
ist, waebrend diese selbst ein weiteres Gebiet hat. Schon
daraus folgt, dass die Abstumpfung das Primaere ist, dass also
ihre Basis _e_ war, nicht _i_. Dies wird bestaetigt
durch eine einfache Erwaegung. Haette die Abstumpfung die
Lautstufe _i_ ergriffen, so haette sie auch das _e_
treffen muessen, das ja schon seit Beginn der neuenglischen
Zeit in allen Dialekten durch _i_ vertreten ist. Endlich
bieten die fruehesten Zeugnisse nur _e_, nicht _i_,
auch fuer solche Striche, die heute _i_ haben.
According to this, then, the development is more probably _[)-a] >
[-e,] > [-e][schwa] > i[schwa]_, or, as Luik thinks, _[)-a]_ >
_ae_ > _ae[schwa]_, or _[-e,][schwa]_ > _[-e][schwa]_ > _i[schwa]_.
17. O.E. _[-O]_.--A LIST OF ILLUSTRATIVE WORDS
FROM THE ABERDEEN DIALECT.
Another Northern peculiarity relates to O.E. _[-o]_. While in the
south O.E. _[-o]_ developed to an _[-u]_-vowel or an _[-u]_-
fracture, in Scotland it became _ee_ (_ui_, _ee_, _i_). The process
involved here does not yet seem to be fully understood. The modern
dialect of Aberdeen is most pronounced in this respect, older _i_
also frequently becoming _u_, _o_. The following examples taken from
"Johnnie Gibb" (Aberdeen. 1871) will illustrate:
1. Words with an _u_ (o)-vowel in English that have _i_ in
Aberdeen dialect: _ither_, "other"; _mither_, "mother"; _tribble_
(O. Fr. _troble_), "trouble"; _kwintra_ (O. Fr. _contree_),
"country"; _dis_, "does" (3. s. of "do"); _hiz_, "us"; _dizzen_
(O. Fr. _dozaine_), "dozen"; _sipper_ (O. Fr. _soper_), "supper."
Here we may also include, _pit_, "to put"; _fit_, "foot." _Buik_,
"book," seems to show the intermediate stage, cp. also _tyeuk_,
"took." On the other hand O.E. _broether_ > _breeder_;
(_ge_)_-don_ > _deen_; _judge_ (O. Fr. _juger_) > _jeedge_, all of
which have a short vowel in English recent speech.
2. Words with _[)i]_ in Eng. that have _[)u]_ in Aberdeen dialect:
_full_, "to fill"; _spull_, "to spill"; _buzness_ (cp. O.E.
_b[-y]sig_), "business"; _wutness_, "witness"; _wull_, "will"
(vb.); _wunna_, "will not"; _wutty_, "witty"; _chucken_,
"chicken"; _fusky_ (Gael. _usquebah_), "whiskey"; _sun_, "sin."
3. Words with _[-o][-o]_ (or _iu_) in Eng. have _ee_ (_[-i]_) in
Aberdeen dialect: _seer_ (O. Fr. _sur_), "sure"; _seen_, "soon";
_refeese_ (O. Fr. _refuser_), "refuse"; _peer_ (O. Fr. _poure_),
"poor"; _yeel_ (M.E. _[*g]ole_), "yule"; _reed_ (O.E. _r[-o]d_),
"rood"; _eese_ (O. Fr. _us_), "use"; _shee_ (O.E. _sc[-e]o_),
"shoe"; _adee_, "ado"; _tee_, "too"; _aifterneen_, "afternoon";
_skweel_, "school"; _reet_ (O.E. _r[-o]t_), "root";
_constiteetion_, "constitution." Cp. also _gweed_ (O.E. _g[-o]d_),
"good." The _w_ in _gweed_, _skweel_, shows again the process of
change from _o_ to _ee_. _U_ in _buik_ and _w_ in _kwintra_ also
seem to represent the _u_-element that is left in the sound. In
words like _refeese_, _keerious_, etc., where _ee_ is from Fr.
_u_, the sound is quite easily explained. So _fusky_ from
_usquebah_. _Full_, from O.E. _fyllan_, and _buzness_ are
interesting.
18. INORGANIC _Y_ IN SCOTCH.
Many words have developed a _y_ where originally there was none.
This phenomenon is, however, closely connected with _e_-_i_-fracture
from original _[)-a]_. _Y_ we find appears often before _a_ (from
original _[)-a]_). It is, then, simply the development of the
_e_-_i_-fracture into a consonant + _a_, and may be represented
thus: O.E. _[-a]c_ ("oak") > _[-e,]c_ > _[-e]c_ > _[-e][schwa]c_ >
_i[schwa]c_ > _yak_. (See also Murray D.S.C.S., 105). Cp. _yance_
and _yence_, "once"; _yell_, "ale"; _yak_, "ache." This also appears
in connection with fracture other than that from O.E. _[-a]_: cp.
_yirth_, _yird_, for "earth."
19. _D_ FOR THE SPIRANT _TH_.
This appears in a number of words: e.g., _ledder_, "leather";
_fader_ (in Gau), _fadder_, "father"; _moder_, _mudder_, "mother";
_broder_, _brudder_, "brother"; _lidder_ (A.S. _liethre_); _de_ (Gau),
"the" (article); _widdie_ (O.E. _wiethig_), "withy"; _dead_, "death";
_ferde_, "fourth"; etc. In some works this tendency is quite
general. Norse loanwords as a rule keep the spirant, but in the
following loanwords _eth_ has become _d_: _cleed_, _cleeding_,
"clothe, clothing," from O.N. _klaeetha_; _red_, "to clear up," O.N.
_ryethja_; _bodin_, O.N. _boethinn_ (? See E.D.D.); _bud_, "bribe," O.N.
_boeth_; _heid_, "brightness," O.N. _haeieth_; _eident_, "busy," O.N.
_iethinn_ (_ythand_ is, however, the more common Sco. form);
_bledder_, "to prate," O.N. _blaethra_ (more commonly _blether_ in
Sco.); _byrd_, "ought," O.N. _burethi_; _stiddy_, O.N. _steethi_. I do
not think _ryde_, "severe," can be derived from O.N. _reiethr_; and
_frody_, "wise," is rather O.E. _frod_ than O.N. _froethr_. _Waith_,
O.N. _vaeiethr_, has kept the spirant, but _faid_, a "company of
hunters," has changed it to _d_. _Faid_ probably comes in from
Gaelic. I have called attention to this change of _eth_ to _d_ in
Sco., since many words affected by it have become almost identical
in form with their Scand. cognates and have consequently been
considered loan-words. See Sec.23.
20. O.E. _[-A]_ AND O.N. _AEI_. HOW FAR WE CAN DETERMINE
SUCH WORDS TO BE OF NATIVE OR OF NORSE ORIGIN.
Certain Eng. dialect words in _[-e]_ corresponding to O.E. _[-a]_
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