It does not fall within the scope of this memoir to give an account of the
numerous administrative measures which made the period of Lord Elgin's
Government so marked an epoch in the history of Canadian prosperity. It may
be well, however, to notice a few points to which he himself thought it
worth while to advert in official despatches, written towards the close of
his sojourn in the country, and containing a statistical review of the
marvellously rapid progress which the Colony had made in all branches of
productive industry.

The first extracts bear upon questions which have lost none of their
interest or importance--the kindred questions of emigration, of the demand
for labour, and of the acquisition and tenure of land.

[Sidenote: Emigration.]

The sufferings of the Irish during that calamitous period [1847]
induced philanthropic persons to put forward schemes of systematic
colonisation, based in some instances on the assumption that it was
for the interest of the emigrants that they should be as much as
possible concentrated in particular portions of the territories to
which they might proceed, so as to form communities complete in
themselves, and to remain subject to the influences, religious and
social, under which they had lived previously to emigration. It was
proposed, if I rightly remember, according to one of those schemes,
that large numbers of Irish with their priests and home associations
should be established by Government in some unoccupied part of Canada.
I believe that such schemes, however benevolent their design, rest on
a complete misconception of what is for the interest both of the
Colony and of the emigrants. It is almost invariably found that
emigrants who thus isolate themselves, whatever their origin or
antecedents, lag behind their neighbours; and I am inclined to think
that, as a general rule, in the case of communities whose social and
political organisation is as far advanced as that of the North
American Colonies, it is for the interest of all parties that new
comers, instead of dwelling apart and bound together by the affinities
whether of sect or party, which united them in the country which they
have left, should be dispersed as widely as possible among the
population already established in that to which they transfer
themselves.

It may not be altogether irrelevant to mention, as bearing on this
subject, that the painful circumstances which attended the emigration
of 1847 created for a time in this Province a certain prejudice
against emigration generally. The poll tax on emigrants was increased,
and the opinion widely disseminated that, however desirable the
introduction of capitalists might be, an emigration of persons of the
poorer classes was likely to prove a burden rather than a benefit.
Commercial depression, and apprehensions as to the probable effect of
the Free-trade policy of Great Britain on the prosperity of the
Colonies, had an influence in the same direction. To counteract these
tendencies which were calculated, as I thought, to be injurious in the
long run both to the Mother-country and the Province, public attention
was especially directed, in the Speech delivered from the Throne in
1849, to emigration by way of the St. Lawrence, as a branch of trade
which it was most desirable to cultivate (irrespective altogether of
its bearing on the settlement of the country) in consequence of the
great excess of exports over imports by that route, and the consequent
enhancement of freights outwards. These views obtained very general
assent, and the measures which have been adopted since that period to
render this route attractive to emigrants destined for the West (the
effect of which is beginning now to be visible in the yearly
increasing amount of emigration by way of Quebec from the continent of
Europe), are calculated not only to promote the trade of the Province,
but also to make settlers of a superior class acquainted with its
advantages.[3]

[Sidenote: Ottawa Valley.]

This important region (the valley of the Ottawa) takes the name by
which it is designated in popular parlance from the mighty stream
which flows through it, and which, though it be but a tributary of the
St. Lawrence, is one of the largest of the rivers that run
uninterruptedly from the source to the discharge within the dominions
of the Queen. It drains an area of about 80,000 square miles, and
receives at various points in its course the waters of streams, some
of which equal in magnitude the chief rivers of Great Britain. These
streams open up to the enterprise of the lumberman the almost
inexhaustible pine forests with which this region is clothed, and
afford the means of transporting their produce to market. In improving
these natural advantages considerable sums are expended by private
individuals. L50,000 currency was voted by Parliament last session for
the purpose of removing certain obstacles to the navigation of the
Upper Ottawa, by the construction of a canal at a point which is now
obstructed by rapids.

[Sidenote: Demand for labour.]

From the nature of the business, the lumbering trade falls necessarily
in a great measure into the hands of persons of capital, who employ
large bodies of men at points far removed from markets, and who are
therefore called upon to make considerable advances in providing food
and necessaries for their labourers, as well as in building slides and
otherwise facilitating the passage of timber along the streams and
rivers. Many thousands of men are employed during the winter in these
remote forests, preparing the timber which is transported during the
summer in rafts, or, if sawn, in boats, to Quebec when destined for
England, and up the Richelieu River when intended for the United
States. It is a most interesting fact, both in a moral and hygienic
view, that for some years past intoxicating liquors have been
rigorously excluded from almost all the chantiers, as the dwellings of
the lumbermen in these distant regions are styled; and that,
notwithstanding the exposure of the men to cold during the winter and
wet in the spring, the result of the experiment has been entirely
satisfactory.

The bearing of the lumbering business on the settlement of the country
is a point well worthy of notice. The farmer who undertakes to
cultivate unreclaimed land in new countries, generally finds that not
only does every step of advance which he makes in the wilderness, by
removing him from the centres of trade and civilisation, enhance the
cost of all he has to purchase, but that, moreover, it diminishes the
value of what he has to sell. It is not so, however, with the farmer
who follows in the wake of the lumbermen. He finds, on the contrary,
in the wants of the latter, a ready demand for all that he produces,
at a price not only equal to that procurable in the ordinary marts,
but increased by the cost of transport from them to the scene of the
lumbering operations. This circumstance, no doubt, powerfully
contributes to promote the settlement of those districts, and attracts
population to sections of the country which, in the absence of any
such inducement, would probably remain for long periods
uninhabited.[4]

[Sidenote: Wild land.]

The large amount of wild land held by individuals and corporations,
renders the disposal of the public domain a question of less urgency
in this than in some other colonies. Opinion in the Province runs
strongly in favour of facilitating its acquisition in small lots by
actual settlers, and of putting all possible obstacles in the way of
its falling into the hands of speculators. This opinion is founded no
doubt in part on a jealousy of great landholders; but it is mainly, I
apprehend, attributable to a sense of the inconvenience and damage
which are experienced in young countries, when considerable tracts of
land are kept out of the market in the midst of districts that are in
course of settlement. To this feeling much of the hostility to the
'Clergy Reserves' was originally due. The upset price of Government
wild land in Canada varies from 7_s_. 6_d_. currency to
1_s_. currency an acre, according to quality, and by the rules of
the Crown Land Department now in force, it is conceded at these rates,
except in special cases, in lots of not more than 200 acres, on
condition of actual settlement, of erecting a dwelling-house, and
clearing one-fourth of the lot before the patent can be obtained. The
price is payable in some parts of the country in ten yearly
instalments; in others in five; with interest in both cases from the
date of sale.

I have little faith in the efficacy of such devices to compel actual
settlement. They hinder the free circulation of capital, are easily
evaded, and seem to be especially out of place where wild lands are
subject to taxation for municipal purposes, as is the case in Upper
Canada.[5]

[Sidenote: Seigniorial tenure.]

A good deal of land in Lower Canada is held in seigniory, under a
species of feudal tenure, with respect to the conditions of which a
controversy has arisen which threatens, unless some equitable mode of
adjusting it be speedily devised, to be productive of very serious
consequences. A certain class of jurists contend, that by the custom
of the country, established before its conquest by Great Britain, the
seigniors were bound to concede their lands in lots of about 100 acres
to the first applicant, in consideration of the payment of certain
dues, and of a rent which, never, as they allege, exceeded one penny
an acre; and they quote edicts of the French monarchs to show that the
governor and intendant, when the seignior was contumacious, could
seize the land, and make the concession in spite of him, taking the
rent for the Crown. The seigniors, on the other hand, plead the
decisions of the courts since the conquest in vindication of their
claim to receive such rents as they can bargain for. Independently of
this controversy, the incidents of the tenure are in other respects
calculated to exercise an unfavourable influence on the progress of
the Province; and its abolition, if it could be effected without
injustice, would, no doubt, be a highly beneficial measure.[6]

Still more important and interesting at this time is the following sketch
of the Educational System of Upper Canada; the 'Common Schools' and 'Public
School Libraries,' which have attracted so much the attention of our own
educationists. Nor is it uninstructive to note the contrast between what
had been achieved in the colony nearly twenty years ago, and the still
unsettled condition of similar questions in the mother-country: a contrast
which may perhaps call to mind the remarks of Lord Elgin already quoted, as
to the rapid growth which ensues when the seeds that fall from ancient
experience are dropped into a virgin soil.[7]

[Sidenote: Education.]

In 1847 the Normal School, which may be considered the foundation of
the system, was instituted, and at the close of 1853, the first volume
issued from the Educational Department to the Public School Libraries,
which are its crown and completion.... The term school libraries does
not imply that the libraries in question are specially designed for
the benefit of common school pupils. They are, in point of fact,
public libraries intended for the use of the general population; and
they are entitled school libraries because their establishment has
been provided for in the School Acts, and their management confided to
the school authorities.

[Sidenote: Public School Libraries.]

Public School Libraries then, similar to those which are now being
introduced into Canada, have been in operation for several years in
some states of the neighbouring Union, and many of the most valuable
features of the Canadian system have been borrowed from them. In most
of the States, however, which have appropriated funds for library
purposes, the selection of the books has been left to the trustees
appointed by the different districts, many of whom are ill-qualified
for the task; and the consequence has been, that the travelling
pedlars, who offer the most showy books at the lowest prices, have had
the principal share in furnishing the libraries. In introducing the
system into Canada, precautions have been taken which will, I trust,
have the effect of obviating this great evil.

In the School Act of 1850, which first set apart a sum of money for
the establishment and support of school libraries, it is declared to
be the duty of the chief superintendent of education to apportion the
sum granted for this purpose by the legislature under the following
condition: 'That no aid should be given towards the establishment and
support of any school library unless an equal amount be contributed or
expended from local sources for the same;' and the Council of
Instruction is required to examine, and at its discretion recommend or
disapprove of text books for the use of schools, or books for school
libraries; 'provided that no portion of the legislative school grant
shall be applied in aid of any school in which any book is used that
has been disapproved of by the Council, and public notice given of
such disapproval.'

[Sidenote: Common schools.]

The system of public instruction in Upper Canada is engrafted upon the
municipal institutions of the Province, to which an organisation very
complete in its details, and admirably adapted to develop the
resources, confirm the credit, and promote the moral and social
interests of a young country, was imparted by an Act passed in 1849.
The law by which the common schools are regulated was enacted in 1850,
and it embraces all the modifications and improvements suggested by
experience in the provisions of the several school Acts passed
subsequently to 1841, when the important principle of granting money
to each county on condition that an equal amount were raised within it
by local assessment, was first introduced into the statute-book.

[Sidenote: Local superintendence.]

The development of individual self-reliance and local exertion, under
the superintendence of a central authority exercising an influence
almost exclusively moral, is the ruling principle of the system.
Accordingly, it rests with the freeholders and householders of each
school section to decide whether they will support their school by
voluntary subscription, by rate bill for each pupil attending the
school (which must not, however, exceed 1_s_. per month), or by
rates on property. The trustees elected by the same freeholders and
householders are required to determine the amount to be raised within
their respective school sections for all school purposes whatsoever,
to hire teachers from among persons holding legal certificates of
qualification, and to agree with them as to salary. On the local
superintendents appointed by the county councils is devolved the duty
of apportioning the legislative grant among the school sections within
the county, of inspecting the schools, and reporting upon them to the
chief superintendent. The county boards of public instruction,
composed of the local superintendent or superintendents, and the
trustees of the county grammar school, examine candidates for the
office of teacher, and give certificates of qualification which are
valid for the county; the chief superintendent giving certificates to
normal school pupils which are valid for the Province; while the chief
superintendent, who holds his appointment from the Crown, aided in
specified cases by the Council of Public Instruction, has under his
especial charge the normal and model schools, besides exercising a
general control over the whole system..

The question of religious instruction as connected with the common
school system, presented even more than ordinary difficulty in a
community where there is so much diversity of opinion on religious
subjects, and where all denominations are in the eye of the law on a
footing of entire equality. It is laid down as a fundamental
principle, that as the common schools are not boarding but day
schools, and as the pupils are under the care of their parents or
guardians during the Sunday, and a considerable portion of each week
day, it is not intended that the functions of the common school
teacher should supersede those of the parent and pastor of the child.
Accordingly, the law contents itself with providing on this head,
'that in any model or common school established under this act, no
child shall be required to read or study in or from any religious
book, or to join in any exercise of devotion or religion, which shall
be objected to by his or her parents or guardians; provided always,
that within this limitation pupils shall be allowed to receive such
religious instruction as their parents or guardians shall desire,
according to the general regulations which shall be provided according
to law.' And it authorises under certain regulations the establishment
of a separate school for Protestants or Roman Catholics, as the case
may be, when the teacher of the common school is of the opposite
persuasion.

Clergymen recognised by law, of whatever denomination, are made _ex
officio_ visitors of the schools in townships, cities, towns, or
villages where they reside, or have pastoral charge. The chief
superintendent. Dr. Ryerson, remarks on this head:

[Sidenote: The clergy.]

'The clergy of the county have access to each of its schools; and we
know of no instance in which the school has been made the place of
religious discord, but many instances, especially on occasions of
quarterly public examinations, in which the school has witnessed the
assemblage and friendly intercourse of clergy of various religious
persuasions, and thus become the radiating centre of a spirit of
Christian charity and potent cooperation in the primary work of a
people's civilisation and happiness.'

He adds with reference to the subject generally, 'The more carefully
the question of religion in connection with a system of common schools
is examined, the more clearly, I think, it will appear, that it has
been left where it properly belongs--with the local school
municipalities, parents, and managers of schools; the Government
protecting the right of each parent and child, but beyond this, and
beyond the principles and duties of morality common to all classes,
neither compelling nor prohibiting; recognising the duties of pastors
and parents as well as of school trustees and teachers, and
considering the united labours of all as constituting the system of
education for the youth of the country.'

Lord Elgin himself had always shown a profound sense of the importance of
thus making religion the groundwork of education. Speaking on occasion of
the opening of a normal school, after noticing the zealous and wisely-
directed exertions which had 'enabled Upper Canada to place itself in the
van among the nations, in the great and important work of providing an
efficient system of general education for the whole community' he
proceeded:--

[Sidenote: What is education?]

And now let me ask this intelligent audience, who have so kindly
listened to me up to this moment--let me ask them to consider, in all
seriousness and earnestness, what that great work really is. I do not
think that I shall be chargeable with exaggeration when I affirm, that
it is _the_ work of our day and generation; that it is _the_
problem in our modern society which is most difficult of solution;
that it is the ground upon which earnest and zealous men unhappily too
often, and in too many countries meet, not to co-operate but to
wrangle; while the poor and the ignorant multitudes around them are
starving and perishing for lack of knowledge. Well, then, how has
Upper Canada addressed herself to the execution of this great work?
How has she sought to solve this problem--to overcome this difficulty?
Sir, I understand from your statements--and I come to the same
conclusion from my own investigation and observation--that it is the
principle of our common school educational system, that its foundation
is laid deep in the firm rock of our common Christianity. I
understand, sir, that while the varying views and opinions of a mixed
religious society are scrupulously respected, while every semblance of
dictation is carefully avoided, it is desired, it is earnestly
recommended, it is confidently expected and hoped, that every child
who attends our common schools shall learn there that he is a being
who has an interest in eternity as well as in time; that he has a
Father, towards whom he stands in a closer and more affecting, and
more endearing relationship than to any earthly father, and that
Father is in heaven; that he has a hope, far transcending every
earthly hope--a hope full of immortality--the hope, namely, that that
Father's kingdom may come; that he has a duty which, like the sun in
our celestial system, stands in the centre of his moral obligations,
shedding upon them a hallowing light, which they in their turn reflect
and absorb--the duty of striving to prove by his life and conversation
the sincerity of his prayer, that that Father's will may be done upon
earth as it is done in heaven. I understand, sir, that upon the broad
and solid platform which is raised upon that good foundation, we
invite the ministers of religion, of all denominations--the _de
facto_ spiritual guides of the people of the country--to take their
stand along with us; that, so far from hampering or impeding them in
the exercise of their sacred functions, we ask and we beg them to take
the children--the lambs of the flock which are committed to their
care--aside, and to lead them to those pastures and streams where they
will find, as they believe, the food of life and the waters of
consolation.

One more extract must be given from the despatch already quoted, because it
illustrates a feature in his character, to which the subsequent course of
his life gave such marked prominence--his generous and tender feeling of
what was due to subject or inferior races; a sad feeling in this case, and
but faintly supported by any hope of being able to do anything for their
benefit.

[Sidenote: Aboriginal tribes.]

It is painful to turn from reviewing the progress of the European
population and their descendants established in this portion of
America, to contemplate the condition and prospects of the aboriginal
tribes. It cannot, I fear, be affirmed with truth, that the difficult
problem of reconciling the interests of an inferior and native race
with those of an intrusive and superior one, has as yet been
satisfactorily solved on this continent. In the United States, the
course of proceeding generally followed in this matter has been that
of compelling the Red man, through the influence of persuasion or
force, to make way for the White, by retreating farther and farther
into the wilderness; a mode of dealing with the case which necessarily
entails the occasional adoption of harsh measures, and which ceases to
be practicable when civilisation approaches the limits of the
territory to be occupied. In Canada, the tribes have been permitted to
dwell among the scenes of their early associations and traditions, on
lands reserved from the advancing tide of White settlement, and set
apart for their use. But this system, though more lenient in its
operation than the other, is not unattended with difficulties of its
own. The laws enacted for their protection, and in the absence of
which they fall an easy prey to the more unscrupulous among their
energetic neighbours, tend to keep them in a condition of perpetual
pupillage, and the relation subsisting between them and the
Government, which treats them, partly as independent peoples, and
partly as infants under its guardianship, involves many anomalies and
contradictions. Unless there be some reasonable ground for the hope
that they will be eventually absorbed in the general population of the
country, the Canadian system is probably destined in the long run to
prove as disastrous to them as that of the United States. In 1846 and
1847 the attempt was first made to establish among them industrial
boarding schools, in part supported by contributions from their own
funds. If schools of this description be properly conducted, it may, I
think, be expected that, among the youth trained at them, a certain
proportion at least will be so far civilised, as to be capable of
making their way in life without exceptional privileges or restraints.
It would be, I am inclined to believe, expedient that any Indian,
showing this capacity, should be permitted, after sufficient trial, to
receive from the common property of the tribe of which he was a member
(on the understanding of course that neither he nor his descendants
had thenceforward any claim upon it), a sum equivalent to his interest
in it, as a means to enable him to start in independent life. The
process of transition from their present semi-barbarous condition
could hardly fail to be promoted by a scheme of this description if it
were judiciously carried out.

*       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: Relations with the United States.]

No sketch of a Governor's life in Canada would be complete which did not
contain some account of his relations with the great neighbouring republic.

We have seen that, at the beginning of his government, Lord Elgin's cares
were increased by threats, and more than threats, of interference on the
part of 'sympathisers' from some of the American States; and that he looked
upon the likelihood of lawless inroad, not to speak of the possibility of
lawful war, as affording solid reason for England's maintaining a body of
troops in the Colony. But it must not be supposed that his attitude towards
the Government or people of the States was one of jealousy or hostility.
The loyal friendliness of the Government in repressing the intemperate
sympathies of certain of its citizens, he cordially acknowledged; and with
the people he did his utmost to encourage the freest and friendliest
intercourse, social and commercial, not only in order that the inhabitants
of the two countries might provoke one another to increased activity in the
good work of civilisation, but also that they might know and understand one
another; and that he might have in the public opinion of the United States
that intelligent support which he despaired of finding in England, owing to
the strange ignorance and indifference which so unfortunately prevails
there on all colonial subjects.

The following letters refer to some of the occasion on which mutual
civilities were interchanged:

_To Mr. Crampton, British Minister at Washington._

Montreal, May 21, 1849.

[Sidenote: their loyal conduct in 1849.]

I am much indebted to you for your letter of the 10th, conveying an
intimation of the intentions of the American Government with reference
to improper interference on the part of American citizens in Canadian
affairs, which is so honourable to General Taylor and his cabinet. If
I should receive any information leading me to believe that any such
interference is contemplated, I shall not fail to communicate with you
at once on the subject. My impression is, that there is not at present
much to be apprehended on that score; for although there is unhappily
considerable excitement and irritation in Canada, the subject in
dispute[8] is not one which is likely to conciliate much sympathy
among our neighbours. I do not, however, less highly appreciate the
good feeling and cordiality evinced by the Executive Government of the
United States.

*       *       *       *       *

_To the Earl Grey_

Toronto, June 14,1850.

[Sidenote: Mutual Courtesies.]

Our expedition to the Welland Canal went off admirably, the only
drawback being that we attempted too much. Mr. Merritt, who planned
the affair, gave it out that we were to pass through the canal, and to
touch at Buffalo on our way from Lake Erie to the Falls of Niagara, in
one day. On this hint the Buffalonians made preparations for our
reception on the most magnificent scale.... As might have been
expected, however, what with addresses, speeches, and mishaps of
various kinds, such as are to be looked for in canal travelling on a
large scale (for our party consisted of some three hundred), night
overtook us before we reached Lake Erie, and Buffalo had to be given
up. I very much regret this, as I fear the citizens were disappointed.
Some of our party went there the next day, and were most hospitably
received.

*       *       *       *       *

_To the Earl Grey._

Toronto, August 16, 1850.

Our Session has closed with great _eclat_. On Thursday week our
Buffalo friends, with other persons of distinction from different
parts of the Union, arrived here, to the number of about two hundred.
They were entertained that evening at a ball in the City Hall, which
did great credit to the good taste and hospitality of the hosts. Next
day there was a review in the forenoon and a fete at my house, which
lasted from half-past four to twelve. I succeeded in enabling a party
of five hundred to sit down together to dinner; and, what with a few
speeches, fireworks, and dances, I believe I may say the citizens went
away thoroughly pleased.[9] On Saturday, at noon, many of the party
assisted at the prorogation.

These matters may seem trivial to you among the graver concerns of
state; nevertheless, I am sanguine enough to hope that the courtesies
which have passed this year between the Buffalonians and us will not
be without their fruit. The bulk of those who came here from Buffalo,
including the Mayor--a very able man and powerful speaker--are of the
democratic party, and held some years ago very different views from
those which they expressed on this visit. They found here the warmest
and most cordial welcome from all, Her Majesty's representative not
excepted. But they saw, I venture to say almost with certainty,
nothing to lead them to suppose that the Canadians desire to change
their political condition; on the contrary, the mention of Her
Majesty's name evoked on all occasions the most unbounded enthusiasm;
and there was every appearance of a kindly feeling towards the
Governor General, which the Americans seemed not disinclined
themselves to share.

'To render annexation by violence impossible, and by any other means
as improbable as may be,' is, as I have often ventured to repeat, the
polar star of my policy. In these matters, small as they may appear, I
believe we have been steering by its light. Again, as respects
ourselves. I trust that the effects of this Buffalonian visit will be
very beneficial. I took occasion in my speeches, in a joking way which
provoked nothing but laughter and good humour, to hint at some of the
unreasonable traits in the conduct of my Canadian friends. I am sure
that the Americans go home with very correct views as touching our
politics, and with the best sentiments towards myself. It is of very
great importance to me to have the aid of a sound public opinion from
without, to help me through my difficulties here; and, as I utterly
despair of receiving any such assistance from England (I allude not to
the Government but to the public, which never looks at us except when
roused by fear ignorantly to condemn), it is of incalculable
importance that I should obtain this support from America.

[Sidenote: Boston Jubilee.]

In the autumn of 1851, the inhabitants of Boston held a Three Days'
Jubilee, to celebrate the completion of various lines of communication, by
railroad and steamship, destined to draw closer the bonds of union between
Canada and the United States; and Lord Elgin gladly accepted an invitation
to be present. Writing on September 26, 1851, he mentions having 'met there
all the United States, President included;' and describes a 'dinner on the
Boston Common for 3,500 persons, at which many good speeches were made,
Everett's especially so.' He adds:--

Nothing certainly could be more cordial than the conduct of the
Bostonians throughout; and there was a scrupulous avoidance of every
topic that could wound British or Canadian susceptibilities.

To the general harmony and good feeling no one contributed more than Lord
Elgin himself, by his general courtesy and affability, and especially by
his speeches, full of the happiest mixture of playfulness and earnestness,
of eloquence and sound sense, of ardent patriotism with broad international
sympathies. 'It was worth something,' he wrote afterwards, 'to get the
Queen of England as much cheered and lauded in New England as in any part
of Old England;' and the reflection faithfully represents the spirit of
expansive loyalty which characterised all his dealings with his neighbours
of the States.

These qualities, added to the reputation of a wise and liberal Governor,
won for him an unusual amount of regard from the American people. At a
dinner given to him in London, during his short visit to England in the
spring of 1854--a dinner at which the Colonial Secretaries of five
different Governments, Lord Monteagle, Lord John Russell, Lord Grey, Sir J.
Pakington, and the Duke of Newcastle met to do him honour--no one spoke
more warmly or more discriminatingly in his praise than the American
Minister, Mr. Buchanan.

[Sidenote: Speech of Mr. Buchanan.]

'Lord Elgin,' he said, 'has solved one of the most difficult problems
of statesmanship. He has been able, successfully and satisfactorily,
to administer, amidst many difficulties, a colonial government over a
free people. This is an easy task where the commands of a despot are
law to his obedient subjects; but not so in a colony where the people
feel that they possess the rights and privileges of native-born
Britons. Under his enlightened government Her Majesty's North American
provinces have realised the blessings of a wise, prudent, and
prosperous administration; and we of the neighbouring nation, though
jealous of our rights, have reason to be abundantly satisfied with his
just and friendly conduct towards ourselves. He has known how to
reconcile his devotion to Her Majesty's service with a proper regard
to the rights and interests of the kindred and neighbouring people.
Would to Heaven we had such governors-general in all the European
colonies in the vicinity of the United States!'

[Sidenote: Reciprocity Treaty.]

A signal proof of his popularity and influence in America was given a few
months later, on the occasion already referred to, when he visited
Washington for the purpose of negotiating the Reciprocity Treaty; and,
chiefly by the effect of his personal presence, carried through, in a few
weeks, a measure which had been in suspense for years.

In returning from this visit he was received with special honours at
Portland, the terminus of the international railway which he had exerted
himself so much to promote; and he used the opportunity not only to please
and conciliate his entertainers, but also to impress them with the respect
due to the Canadians, as a flourishing and progressive, above all as a
loyal, people. Speaking of the alienation which had existed, a few years
earlier, between the Provinces and the States, he said:[10]

[Sidenote: Speech at Portland.]

When I look back to the past, I find what tended in some degree to
create this misunderstanding. In the first place, as I believe, the
government of these provinces was conducted on erroneous principles,
the rights of the people were somewhat restrained, and large numbers
were prevented from exercising those privileges which belong to a free
people. From this arose, very naturally, a discontent on the part of
the people of the Provinces, with which the people of the States
sympathised. Though this sympathy and this discontent was not always
wise, it is not wonderful that it existed.

What have we now done to put an end to this? We have cut off the
source of all this misunderstanding by granting to the people what
they desired--the great principle of self-government. The inhabitants
of Canada at this moment exercise an influence over their own
destinies and government as complete as do the people of this country.
This is the only cause of misunderstanding that ever existed; and this
cannot arise when the circumstances which made them at variance have
ceased to exist.

The good feeling which has been so fully established between the
States and the Provinces has already justified itself by its works. In
the British Provinces we have already had many evidences to prove your
kindness towards us; and within the last seven years, more than in any
previous seven years since the settlement of the two countries.

Let me ask you, who is the worse off for this display of good feeling
and fraternal intercourse? Is it the Canadas? sir, as the
representative of Her Majesty, permit me to say that the Canadians
were never more loyal than at this moment. Standing here, on United
States ground, beneath that flag under which we are proud to live, I
repeat that no people was ever more loyal than are the Canadas to
their Queen; and it is the purpose of the present Ministers of Her
Majesty's Government to make the people of Canada so prosperous and
happy, that other nations shall envy them their good fortune.

This was the last occasion of his addressing American citizens on their own
soil; nor did the course of his after-life bring him often in contact with
them. But the personal regard which he had won from them descended, some
years later, as a valuable heritage to his brother, Sir Frederick, when
appointed to the difficult post of Minister at Washington after the close
of the American Civil War.[11]

[Sidenote: Parting from Canada.]

The parting of Lord Elgin from Canada was spread, so to speak, over several
years; for though he did not finally quit its shores till the end of 1854,
from 1851 onwards he was continually in expectation of being recalled; and,
towards the end of 1853, he came to England, as we have already seen, on
leave of absence. The numerous speeches made, and letters written on the
occasion of these different leave-takings, contain ample proof how cordial
was the feeling which had grown up between the Colony and its Governor. It
may be enough to give here two specimens. The first is an extract from a
farewell speech at Montreal, listened to with tears by a crowded audience
in the very place where, a few years before, he had been so scandalously
outraged and insulted.[12]

[Sidenote: Farewell to Montreal.]

For nearly  eight years, at the command of our beloved Queen, I have
filled this position among you, discharging its duties, often
imperfectly, never carelessly, or with indifference. We are all of us
aware that the period is rapidly approaching when I may expect to be
required by the same gracious authority to resign into other, and I
trust worthier, hands, the office of Governor-General, with the heavy
burden of responsibility and care which attaches to it. It is fitting,
therefore, that we should now speak to each other frankly and without
reserve. Let me assure you, then, that the severance of the formal tie
which binds us together will not cause my earnest desire for your
welfare and advancement to abate. The extinction of an official
relationship cannot quench the conviction that I have so long
cherished, and by which I have been supported through many trials,
that a brilliant future is in store for British North America; or
diminish the interest with which I shall watch every event which tends
to the fulfilment of this expectation. And again permit me to assure
you, that when I leave you, be it sooner or later, I shall carry away
no recollections of my sojourn among you except such as are of a
pleasing character. I shall remember--and remember with gratitude--the
cordial reception I met with at Montreal when I came a stranger among
you, bearing with me for my sole recommendation the commission of our
Sovereign. I shall remember those early months of my residence here,
when I learnt in this beautiful neighbourhood to appreciate the charms
of a bright Canadian winter day, and to take delight in the cheerful
music of your sleigh bells. I shall remember one glorious afternoon--
an afternoon in April--when, looking down from the hill at Monklands,
on my return from transacting business in your city, I beheld that the
vast plain stretching out before me, which I had always seen clothed
in the white garb of winter, had assumed, on a sudden, and, as if by
enchantment, the livery of spring; while your noble St. Lawrence,
bursting through his icy fetters, had begun to sparkle in the
sunshine, and to murmur his vernal hymn of thanksgiving to the
bounteous Giver of light and heat. I shall remember my visits to your
Mechanics' Institutes and Mercantile Library Associations, and the
kind attention with which the advice which I tendered to your young
men and citizens was received by them. I shall remember the undaunted
courage with which the merchants of this city, while suffering under
the pressure of a commercial crisis of almost unparalleled severity,
urged forward that great work which was the first step towards placing
Canada in her proper position in this age of railway progress. I shall
remember the energy and patriotism which gathered together in this
city specimens of Canadian industry, from all parts of the province,
for the World's Fair, and which has been the means of rendering this
magnificent conception of the illustrious Consort of our beloved Queen
more serviceable to Canada than it has, perhaps, proved to any other
of the countless communities which have been represented there. And I
shall forget--but no--what I might have had to forget is forgotten
already; and therefore I cannot tell you what I shall forget.

The remaining extract is from parting words, spoken after a ball which he
gave at Quebec on the eve of his final departure in December, 1854.