[41] _Anatomy of Melancholy_, part iii., sect. ii, mem. ii, subs. iv.
[42] Sadger, "Haut-, Schleimhaut-, und Muskel-erotik," _Jahrbuch für
psychoanalytische Forschungen_, Bd. iii, 1912, p. 556.

[43] Marro (_Pubertà_, p. 367 et seq.) has some observations on this
point. It was an insight into this action of dancing which led the Spanish
clergy of the eighteenth century to encourage the national enthusiasm for
dancing (as Baretti informs us) in the interests of morality.

[44] It is scarcely necessary to remark that a primitive dance, even when
associated with courtship, is not necessarily a sexual pantomime; as
Wallaschek, in his comprehensive survey of primitive dances, observes, it
is more usually an animal pantomime, but nonetheless connected with the
sexual instinct, separation of the sexes, also, being no proof to the
contrary. (Wallaschek, _Primitive Music_, pp. 211-13.) Grosse (_Anfänge
der Kunst_, English translation, p. 228) has pointed out that the best
dancer would be the best fighter and hunter, and that sexual selection and
natural selection would thus work in harmony.

[45] Féré, "Le plaisir de la vue du Mouvement," _Comptes-rendus de la
Société de Biologie_, November 2, 1901; also _Travail et Plaisir_, ch.
xxix.

[46] Groos repeatedly emphasizes the significance of this fact (_Spiele
der Menschen_, pp. 81-9, 460 et seq.); Grosse (_Anfänge der Kunst_, p.
215) had previously made some remarks on this point.

[47] M. Kulischer, "Die Geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl bei den Menschen in der
Urzeit," _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1876, p. 140 _et seq._

[48] Sir W.R. Gowers, _Epilepsy_, 2d ed., 1901, pp. 61, 138.

[49] Guyon, _Leçons Cliniques sur les Maladies des Voies Urinaires_, 3d
ed., 1896, vol. ii, p. 397.

[50] See, e.g., Féré, _L'Instinct Sexuel_, pp. 222-23: Brantôme was
probably the first writer in modern times who referred to this phenomenon.
MacGillicuddy (_Functional Disorders of the Nervous System in Women_, p.
110) refers to the case of a lady who always had sudden and uncontrollable
expulsion of urine whenever her husband even began to perform the marital
act, on which account he finally ceased intercourse with her. Kubary
states that in Ponape (Western Carolines) the men are accustomed to
titillate the vulva of their women with the tongue until the excitement is
so intense that involuntary emission of urine takes place; this is
regarded as the proper moment for intercourse.

[51] Thus Pitres and Régis (_Transactions of the International Medical
Congress, Moscow_, vol. iv, p. 19) record the case of a young girl whose
life was for some years tormented by a groundless fear of experiencing an
irresistible desire to urinate. This obsession arose from once seeing at a
theater a man whom she liked, and being overcome by sexual feeling
accompanied by so strong a desire to urinate that she had to leave the
theater. An exactly similar case in a young woman of erotic temperament,
but prudish, has been recorded by Freud (_Zur Neurosenlehre_, Bd. i, p.
54). Morbid obsessions of modesty involving the urinary sphere and
appearing at puberty are evidently based on transformed sexual emotion.
Such a case has been recorded by Marandon de Montyel (_Archives de
Neurologie_, vol. xii, 1901, p. 36); this lady, who was of somewhat
neuropathic temperament, from puberty onward, in order to be able to
urinate found it necessary not only to be absolutely alone, but to feel
assured that no one even knew what was taking place.

[52] H. Ellis, "The Bladder as a Dynamometer," _American Journal of
Dermatology_, May, 1902.

[53] Sir W. Gowers, "Minor Epilepsy," _British Medical Journal_, January
6, 1900; ib., _Epilepsy_, 2d ed., 1901, p. 106; see also H. Ellis, art.
"Urinary Bladder, Influence of the Mind on the," in Tuke's _Dictionary of
Psychological Medicine_.

[54] Sérieux, _Recherches Cliniques sur les Anomalies de l'Instinct
Sexuel_, p. 22.

[55] Emil Schultze-Malkowsky, "Der Sexuelle Trieb in Kindesalter,"
_Geschlecht und Gesellschaft_, vol. ii, part 8, p. 372.

[56] Féré, "Note sur un Cas de Periodicité Sexuelle chez l'Homme,"
_Comptes-rendus Société de Biologie_, July 23, 1904.

[57] It is a familiar fact that, in women, occasionally, a violent
explosion of laughter may be propagated to the bladder-center and produce
urination. "She laughed till she nearly wetted the floor," I have heard a
young woman in the country say, evidently using without thought a familiar
locution. Professor Bechterew has recorded the case of a young married
lady who, from childhood, wherever she might be--in friends' houses, in
the street, in her own drawing-room--had always experienced an involuntary
and forcible emission of urine, which could not be stopped or controlled,
whenever she laughed; the bladder was quite sound and no muscular effort
produced the same result. (W. Bechterew, _Neurologisches Centralblatt_,
1899.) In women these relationships are most easily observed, partly
because in them the explosive centers are more easily discharged, and
partly, it is probable, so far as the bladder is concerned, because,
although after death the resistance to the emission of urine is notably
less in women, during life about the same amount of force is necessary in
both sexes; so that a greater amount of energy flows to the bladder in
women, and any nervous storm or disturbance is thus specially apt to
affect the bladder.

[58] "Every pain," remarks Marie de Manacéine, "produces a number of
movements which are apparently useless: we cry out, we groan, we move our
limbs, we throw ourselves from one side to the other, and at bottom all
these movements are logical because by interrupting and breaking our
attention they render us less sensitive to the pain. In the days before
chloroform, skillful surgeons requested their patients to cry out during
the operation, as we are told by Gratiolet, who could not explain so
strange a fact, for in his time the antagonism of movements and attention
was not recognized." (Marie de Manacéine, _Archives Italiennes de
Biologie_, 1894, p. 250.) This antagonism of attention by movement is but
another way of expressing the vicarious relationship of motor discharges.

[59] Joanny Roux, _Psychologie de l'Instinct Sexuel_, 1899, pp. 22-23. It
is disputed whether hunger is located in the whole organism, and powerful
arguments have been brought against the view. (W. Cannon, "The Nature of
Hunger," _Popular Science Monthly_, Sept., 1912.) Thirst is usually
regarded as organic (A. Mayer, _La Soif_, 1901).

[60] If there is any objection to these terms it is chiefly because they
have reference to vascular congestion rather than to the underlying
nervous charging and discharging, which is equally fundamental, and in man
more prominent than the vascular phenomena.




LOVE AND PAIN.

I.

The Chief Key to the Relationship between Love and Pain to be Found in
Animal Courtship--Courtship a Source of Combativity and of Cruelty--Human
Play in the Light of Animal Courtship--The Frequency of Crimes Against the
Person in Adolescence--Marriage by Capture and its Psychological
Basis--Man's Pleasure in Exerting Force and Woman's Pleasure in
Experiencing it--Resemblance of Love to Pain even in Outward
Expression--The Love-bite--In what Sense Pain may be Pleasurable--The
Natural Contradiction in the Emotional Attitude of Women Toward
Men--Relative Insensibility to Pain of the Organic Sexual Sphere in
Women--The Significance of the Use of the Ampallang and Similar Appliances
in Coitus--The Sexual Subjection of Women to Men in Part Explainable as
the Necessary Condition for Sexual Pleasure.


The relation of love to pain is one of the most difficult problems, and
yet one of the most fundamental, in the whole range of sexual psychology.
Why is it that love inflicts, and even seeks to inflict, pain? Why is it
that love suffers pain, and even seeks to suffer it? In answering that
question, it seems to me, we have to take an apparently circuitous route,
sometimes going beyond the ostensible limits of sex altogether; but if we
can succeed in answering it we shall have come very near one of the great
mysteries of love. At the same time we shall have made clear the normal
basis on which rest the extreme aberrations of love.

The chief key to the relationship of love to pain is to be found by
returning to the consideration of the essential phenomena of courtship in
the animal world generally. Courtship is a play, a game; even its combats
are often, to a large extent, mock-combats; but the process behind it is
one of terrible earnestness, and the play may at any moment become deadly.
Courtship tends to involve a mock-combat between males for the possession
of the female which may at any time become a real combat; it is a pursuit
of the female by the male which may at any time become a kind of
persecution; so that, as Colin Scott remarks, "Courting may be looked upon
as a refined and delicate form of combat." The note of courtship, more
especially among mammals, is very easily forced, and as soon as we force
it we reach pain.[61] The intimate and inevitable association in the
animal world of combat--of the fighting and hunting impulses--with the
process of courtship alone suffices to bring love into close connection
with pain.

Among mammals the male wins the female very largely by the display of
force. The infliction of pain must inevitably be a frequent indirect
result of the exertion of power. It is even more than this; the infliction
of pain by the male on the female may itself be a gratification of the
impulse to exert force. This tendency has always to be held in check, for
it is of the essence of courtship that the male should win the female, and
she can only be won by the promise of pleasure. The tendency of the male
to inflict pain must be restrained, so far as the female is concerned, by
the consideration of what is pleasing to her. Yet, the more carefully we
study the essential elements of courtship, the clearer it becomes that,
playful as these manifestations may seem on the surface, in every
direction they are verging on pain. It is so among animals generally; it
is so in man among savages. "It is precisely the alliance of pleasure and
pain," wrote the physiologist Burdach, "which constitutes the voluptuous
emotion."

Nor is this emotional attitude entirely confined to the male. The female
also in courtship delights to arouse to the highest degree in the male the
desire for her favors and to withhold those favors from him, thus finding
on her part also the enjoyment of power in cruelty. "One's cruelty is
one's power," Millament says in Congreve's _Way of the World_, "and when
one parts with one's cruelty one parts with one's power."

At the outset, then, the impulse to inflict pain is brought into
courtship, and at the same time rendered a pleasurable idea to the female,
because with primitive man, as well as among his immediate ancestors, the
victor in love has been the bravest and strongest rather than the most
beautiful or the most skilful. Until he can fight he is not reckoned a man
and he cannot hope to win a woman. Among the African Masai a man is not
supposed to marry until he has blooded his spear, and in a very different
part of the world, among the Dyaks of Borneo, there can be little doubt
that the chief incentive to head-hunting is the desire to please the
women, the possession of a head decapitated by himself being an excellent
way of winning a maiden's favor.[62] Such instances are too well known to
need multiplication here, and they survive in civilization, for, even
among ourselves, although courtship is now chiefly ruled by quite other
considerations, most women are in some degree emotionally affected by
strength and courage. But the direct result of this is that a group of
phenomena with which cruelty and the infliction of pain must inevitably be
more or less allied is brought within the sphere of courtship and rendered
agreeable to women. Here, indeed, we have the source of that love of
cruelty which some have found so marked in women. This is a phase of
courtship which helps us to understand how it is that, as we shall see,
the idea of pain, having become associated with sexual emotion, may be
pleasurable to women.

Thus, in order to understand the connection between love and pain, we have
once more to return to the consideration, under a somewhat new aspect, of
the fundamental elements in the sexual impulse. In discussing the
"Evolution of Modesty" we found that the primary part of the female in
courtship is the playful, yet serious, assumption of the rôle of a hunted
animal who lures on the pursuer, not with the object of escaping, but with
the object of being finally caught. In considering the "Analysis of the
Sexual Impulse" we found that the primary part of the male in courtship is
by the display of his energy and skill to capture the female or to arouse
in her an emotional condition which leads her to surrender herself to him,
this process itself at the same time heightening his own excitement. In
the playing of these two different parts is attained in both male and
female that charging of nervous energy, that degree of vascular
tumescence, necessary for adequate discharge and detumescence in an
explosion by which sperm-cells and germ-cells are brought together for the
propagation of the race. We are now concerned with the necessary interplay
of the differing male and female rôles in courtship, and with their
accidental emotional by-products. Both male and female are instinctively
seeking the same end of sexual union at the moment of highest excitement.
There cannot, therefore, be real conflict.[63] But there is the semblance
of a conflict, an apparent clash of aim, an appearance of cruelty.
Moreover,--and this is a significant moment in the process from our
present point of view,--when there are rivals for the possession of one
female there is always a possibility of actual combat, so tending to
introduce an element of real violence, of undisguised cruelty, which the
male inflicts on his rival and which the female views with satisfaction
and delight in the prowess of the successful claimant. Here we are brought
close to the zoölogical root of the connection between love and pain.[64]

In his admirable work on play in man Groos has fully discussed the plays
of combat (_Kampfspiele_), which begin to develop even in childhood and
assume full activity during adolescence; and he points out that, while the
impulse to such play certainly has a wider biological significance, it
still possesses a relationship to the sexual life and to the rivalries of
animals in courtship which must not be forgotten.[65]

Nor is it only in play that the connection between love and combativity
may still be traced. With the epoch of the first sexual relationship,
Marro points out, awakes the instinct of cruelty, which prompts the youth
to acts which are sometimes in absolute contrast to his previous conduct,
and leads him to be careless of the lives of others as well as of his own
life.[66] Marro presents a diagram showing how crimes against the person
in Italy rise rapidly from the age of 16 to 20 and reach a climax between
21 and 25. In Paris, Gamier states, crimes of blood are six times more
frequent in adolescents (aged 16 to 20) than in adults. It is the same
elsewhere.[67] This tendency to criminal violence during the age-period of
courtship is a by-product of the sexual impulse, a kind of tertiary sexual
character.

In the process of what is commonly termed "marriage by capture" we have a
method of courtship which closely resembles the most typical form of
animal courtship, and is yet found in all but the highest and most
artificial stages of human society. It may not be true that, as MacLennan
and others have argued, almost every race of man has passed through an
actual stage of marriage by capture, but the phenomena in question have
certainly been extremely widespread and exist in popular custom even among
the highest races today. George Sand has presented a charming picture of
such a custom, existing in France, in her _Mare au Diable_. Farther away,
among the Kirghiz, the young woman is pursued by all her lovers, but she
is armed with a formidable whip, which she does not hesitate to use if
overtaken by a lover to whom she is not favorable. Among the Malays,
according to early travelers, courtship is carried on in the water in
canoes with double-bladed paddles; or, if no water is near, the damsel,
stripped naked of all but a waistband, is given a certain start and runs
off on foot followed by her lover. Vaughan Stevens in 1896 reported that
this performance is merely a sport; but Skeat and Blagden, in their more
recent and very elaborate investigations in the Malay States, find that it
is a rite.

Even if we regard "marriage by capture" as simply a primitive human
institution stimulated by tribal exigencies and early social conditions,
yet, when we recall its widespread and persistent character, its close
resemblance to the most general method of courtship among animals, and the
emotional tendencies which still persist even in the most civilized men
and women, we have to recognize that we are in presence of a real
psychological impulse which cannot fail in its exercise to introduce some
element of pain into love.

There are, however, two fundamentally different theories concerning
"marriage by capture." According to the first, that of MacLennan, which,
until recently, has been very widely accepted, and to which Professor
Tylor has given the weight of his authority, there has really been in
primitive society a recognized stage in which marriages were effected by
the capture of the wife. Such a state of things MacLennan regarded as once
world-wide. There can be no doubt that women very frequently have been
captured in this way among primitive peoples. Nor, indeed, has the custom
been confined to savages. In Europe we find that even up to comparatively
recent times the abduction of women was not only very common, but was
often more or less recognized. In England it was not until Henry VII's
time that the violent seizure of a woman was made a criminal offense, and
even then the statute was limited to women possessed of lands and goods. A
man might still carry off a girl provided she was not an heiress; but even
the abduction of heiresses continued to be common, and in Ireland remained
so until the end of the eighteenth century. But it is not so clear that
such raids and abductions, even when not of a genuinely hostile character,
have ever been a recognized and constant method of marriage.

According to the second set of theories, the capture is not real, but
simulated, and may be accounted for by psychological reasons. Fustel de
Coulanges, in _La Cité Antique_,[68] discussing simulated marriage by
capture among the Romans, mentioned the view that it was "a symbol of the
young girl's modesty," but himself regarded it as an act of force to
symbolize the husband's power. He was possibly alluding to Herbert
Spencer, who suggested a psychological explanation of the apparent
prevalence of marriage by capture based on the supposition that, capturing
a wife being a proof of bravery, such a method of obtaining a wife would
be practised by the strongest men and be admired, while, on the other
hand, he considered that "female coyness" was "an important factor" in
constituting the more formal kinds of marriage by capture ceremonial.[69]
Westermarck, while accepting true marriage by capture, considers that
Spencer's statement "can scarcely be disproved."[70] In his valuable study
of certain aspects of primitive marriage Crawley, developing the
explanation rejected by Fustel de Coulanges, regards the fundamental fact
to be the modesty of women, which has to be neutralized, and this is done
by "a ceremonial use of force, which is half real and half make-believe."
Thus the manifestations are not survivals, but "arising in a natural way
from normal human feelings. It is not the tribe from which the bride is
abducted, nor, primarily, her family and kindred, but her _sex_"; and her
"sexual characters of timidity, bashfulness, and passivity are
sympathetically overcome by make-believe representations of male
characteristic actions."[71]

It is not necessary for the present purpose that either of these two
opposing theories concerning the origin of the customs and feelings we are
here concerned with should be definitely rejected. Whichever theory is
adopted, the fundamental psychic element which here alone concerns us
still exists intact.[72] It may be pointed out, however, that we probably
have to accept two groups of such phenomena: one, seldom or never existing
as the sole form of marriage, in which the capture is real; and another in
which the "capture" is more or less ceremonial or playful. The two groups
coexist among the Turcomans, as described by Vambery, who are constantly
capturing and enslaving the Persians of both sexes, and, side by side with
this, have a marriage ceremonial of mock-capture of entirely playful
character. At the same time the two groups sometimes overlap, as is
indicated by cases in which, while the "capture" appears to be ceremonial,
the girl is still allowed to escape altogether if she wishes. The
difficulty of disentangling the two groups is shown by the fact that so
careful an investigator as Westermarck cites cases of real capture and
mock-capture together without attempting to distinguish between them. From
our present point of view it is quite unnecessary to attempt such a
distinction. Whether the capture is simulated or real, the man is still
playing the masculine and aggressive part proper to the male; the woman is
still playing the feminine and defensive part proper to the female. The
universal prevalence of these phenomena is due to the fact that
manifestations of this kind, real or pretended, afford each sex the very
best opportunity for playing its proper part in courtship, and so, even
when the force is real, must always gratify a profound instinct.

It is not necessary to quote examples of marriage by capture from
the numerous and easily accessible books on the evolution of
marriage. (Sir A.B. Ellis, adopting MacLennan's standpoint,
presented a concise statement of the facts in an article on
"Survivals from Marriage by Capture," _Popular Science Monthly_,
1891, p. 207.) It may, however, be worth while to bring together
from scattered sources a few of the facts concerning the
phenomena in this group and their accompanying emotional state,
more especially as they bear on the association of love with
force, inflicted or suffered.

In New Caledonia, Foley remarks, the successful coquette goes off
with her lover into the bush. "It usually happens that, when she
is successful, she returns from her expedition, tumbled, beaten,
scratched, even bitten on the nape and shoulders, her wounds thus
bearing witness to the quadrupedal attitude she has assumed amid
the foliage." (Foley, _Bulletin de la Société d'Anthropologie_,
Paris, November 6, 1879.)

Of the natives of New South Wales, Turnbull remarked at the
beginning of the nineteenth century that "their mode of courtship
is not without its singularity. When a young man sees a female to
his fancy he informs her she must accompany him home; the lady
refuses; he not only enforces compliance with threats but blows;
thus the gallant, according to the custom, never fails to gain
the victory, and bears off the willing, though struggling
pugilist. The colonists for some time entertained the idea that
the women were compelled and forced away against their
inclinations; but the young ladies informed them that this mode
of gallantry was the custom, and perfectly to their taste," (J.
Turnbull, _A Voyage Round the World_, 1813, p. 98; cf. Brough
Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, 1878, vol. i, p. 81.)

As regards capture of women among Central Australian tribes,
Spencer and Gillen remark: "We have never in any of these central
tribes met with any such thing, and the clubbing part of the
story may be dismissed, so far as the central area of the
continent is concerned. To the casual observer what looks like a
capture (we are, of course, only speaking of these tribes) is in
reality an elopement, in which the woman is an aiding and
abetting party." (_Northern Tribes of Central Australia_. p. 32.)

"The New Zealand method of courtship and matrimony is a most
extraordinary one. A man sees a woman whom he fancies he should
like for a wife; he asks the consent of her father, or, if an
orphan, of her nearest relative, which, if he obtain, he carries
his intended off by force, she resisting with all her strength,
and, as the New Zealand girls are generally fairly robust,
sometimes a dreadful struggle takes place; both are soon stripped
to the skin and it is sometimes the work of hours to remove the
fair prize a hundred yards. It sometimes happens that she secures
her retreat into her father's house, and the lover loses all
chance of ever obtaining her." (A. Earle, _Narratives of
Residence in New Zealand_, 1832, p. 244.)

Among the Eskimos (probably near Smith Sound) "there is no
marriage ceremony further than that the boy is required to carry
off his bride by main force, for even among these blubber-eating
people the woman only saves her modesty by a show of resistance,
although she knows years beforehand that her destiny is sealed
and that she is to become the wife of the man from whose
embraces, when the nuptial day comes, she is obliged by the
inexorable law of public opinion to free herself, if possible, by
kicking and screaming with might and main until she is safely
landed in the hut of her future lord, when she gives up the
combat very cheerfully and takes possession of her new abode. The
betrothal often takes place at a very early period of life and at
very dissimilar ages." Marriage only takes place when the lover
has killed his first seal; this is the test of manhood and
maturity. (J.J. Hayes, _Open Polar Sea_, 1867, p. 432.)

Marriage by "capture" is common in war and raiding in central
Africa. "The women, as a rule," Johnston says, "make no very
great resistance on these occasions. It is almost like playing a
game. A woman is surprised as she goes to get water at the
stream, or when she is on the way to or from the plantation. The
man has only got to show her she is cornered and that escape is
not easy or pleasant and she submits to be carried off. As a
general rule, they seem to accept very cheerfully these abrupt
changes in their matrimonial existence." (Sir H.H. Johnston,
_British Central Africa_, p. 412.)

Among the wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula in one form of
wedding rite the bridegroom is required to run seven times around
an artificial mound decorated with flowers and the emblem of the
people's religion. In the event of the bridegroom failing to
catch the bride the marriage has to be postponed. Among the Orang
Laut, or sea-gipsies, the pursuit sometimes takes the form of a
canoe-race; the woman is given a good start and must be overtaken
before she has gone a certain distance. (W.W. Skeat, _Journal
Anthropological Institute_, Jan.-June, 1902, p. 134; Skeat and
Blagden, _Pagan Races of the Malay_, vol. ii, p. 69 et seq.,
fully discuss the ceremony around the mound.)

"Calmuck women ride better than the men. A male Calmuck on
horseback looks as if he was intoxicated, and likely to fall off
every instant, though he never loses his seat; but the women sit
with more ease, and ride with extraordinary skill. The ceremony
of marriage among the Calmucks is performed on horseback. A girl
is first mounted, who rides off at full speed. Her lover pursues,
and if he overtakes her she becomes his wife and the marriage is
consummated upon the spot, after which she returns with him to
his tent. But it sometimes happens that the woman does not wish
to marry the person by whom she is pursued, in which case she
will not suffer him to overtake her; and we were assured that no
instance occurs of a Calmuck girl being thus caught, unless she
has a partiality for her pursuer. If she dislikes him, she rides,
to use the language of English sportsmen, 'neck or nothing,'
until she has completely escaped or until the pursuer's horse is
tired out, leaving her at liberty to return, to be afterward
chased by some more favored admirer." (E.D. Clarke, _Travels_,
1810, vol. i, p. 333.)

Among the Bedouins marriage is arranged between the lover and the
girl's father, often without consulting the girl herself. "Among
the Arabs of Sinai the young maid comes home in the evening with
the cattle. At a short distance from the camp she is met by the
future spouse and a couple of his young friends and carried off
by force to her father's tent. If she entertains any suspicion of
their designs she defends herself with stones, and often inflicts
wounds on the young men, even though she does not dislike the
lover, for, according to custom, the more she struggles, bites,
kicks, cries, and strikes, the more she is applauded ever after
by her own companions." After being taken to her father's tent,
where a man's cloak is thrown over her by one of the bridegroom's
relations, she is dressed in garments provided by her future
husband, and placed on a camel, "still continuing to struggle in
a most unruly manner, and held by the bridegroom's friends on
both sides." She is then placed in a recess of the husband's
tent. Here the marriage is finally consummated, "the bride still
continuing to cry very loudly. It sometimes happens that the
husband is obliged to tie his bride, and even to beat her, before
she can be induced to comply with his desires." If, however, she
really does not like her husband, she is perfectly free to leave
him next morning, and her father is obliged to receive her back
whether he wishes to or not. It is not considered proper for a
widow or divorced woman to make any resistance on being married.
(J.L. Burckhardt, _Notes on the Bedouins and Wahábys_, 1830, p.
149 et seq.)

Among the Turcomans forays for capturing and enslaving their
Persian neighbors were once habitual. Vambery describes their
"marriage ceremonial when the young maiden, attired in bridal
costume, mounts a high-bred courser, taking on her lap the
carcass of a lamb or goat, and setting off at full gallop,
followed by the bridegroom and other young men of the party, also
on horseback; she is always to strive, by adroit turns, etc., to
avoid her pursuers, that no one approach near enough to snatch
from her the burden on her lap. This game, called _kökbüri_
(green wolf), is in use among all the nomads of central Asia."
(A. Vambery, _Travels in Central Asia_, 1864, p. 323.)

In China, a missionary describes how, when he was called upon to
marry the daughter of a Chinese Christian brought up in native
customs, he was compelled to wait several hours, as the bride
refused to get up and dress until long after the time appointed
for the wedding ceremony, and then only by force. "Extreme
reluctance and dislike and fear are the true marks of a happy and
lively wedding." (A.E. Moule, _New China and Old_, p. 128.)

It is interesting to find that in the Indian art of love a kind
of mock-combat, accompanied by striking, is a recognized and
normal method of heightening tumescence. Vatsyayana has a
chapter "On Various Manners of Striking," and he approves of the
man striking the woman on the back, belly, flanks, and buttocks,
before and during coitus, as a kind of play, increasing as sexual
excitement increases, which the woman, with cries and groans,
pretends to bid the man to stop. It is mentioned that, especially
in southern India, various instruments (scissors, needles, etc.)
are used in striking, but this practice is condemned as barbarous
and dangerous. (_Kama Sutra_, French translation, iii, chapter
v.)

In the story of Aladdin, in the _Arabian Nights_, the bride is
undressed by the mother and the other women, who place her in the
bridegroom's bed "as if by force, and, according to the custom of
the newly married, she pretends to resist, twisting herself in
every direction, and seeking to escape from their hands." (_Les
Mille Nuits_, tr. Mardrus, vol. xi, p. 253.)

It is said that in those parts of Germany where preliminary
_Probenächte_ before formal marriage are the rule it is not
uncommon for a young woman before finally giving herself to a man
to provoke him to a physical struggle. If she proves stronger she
dismisses him; if he is stronger she yields herself willingly.
(W. Henz, "Probenächte," _Sexual-Probleme_, Oct., 1910, p. 743.)

Among the South Slavs of Servia and Bulgaria, according to
Krauss, it is the custom to win a woman by seizing her by the
ankle and bringing her to the ground by force. This method of
wooing is to the taste of the woman, and they are refractory to
any other method. The custom of beating or being beaten before
coitus is also found among the South Slavs. (Kryptadia, vol. vi,
p. 209.)

In earlier days violent courtship was viewed with approval in the
European world, even among aristocratic circles. Thus in the
medieval _Lai de Graélent_ of Marie de France this Breton knight
is represented as very chaste, possessing a high ideal of love
and able to withstand the wiles of women. One day when he is
hunting in a forest he comes upon a naked damsel bathing,
together with her handmaidens. Overcome by her beauty, he seizes
her clothes in case she should be alarmed, but is persuaded to
hand them to her; then he proceeds to make love to her. She
replies that his love is an insult to a woman of her high
lineage. Finding her so proud, Graélent sees that his prayers are
in vain. He drags her by force into the depth of the forest, has
his will of her, and begs her very gently not to be angry,
promising to love her loyally and never to leave her. The damsel
saw that he was a good knight, courteous, and wise. She thought
within herself that if she were to leave him she would never find
a better friend.

Brantôme mentions a lady who confessed that she liked to be
"half-forced" by her husband, and he remarks that a woman who is
"a little difficult and resists" gives more pleasure also to her
lover than one who yields at once, just as a hard-fought battle
is a more notable triumph than an easily won victory. (Brantôme,
_Vie des Dames Galantes_, discours i.) Restif de la Bretonne,
again, whose experience was extensive, wrote in his
_Anti-Justine_ that "all women of strong temperament like a sort
of brutality in sexual intercourse and its accessories."

Ovid had said that a little force is pleasing to a woman, and
that she is grateful to the ravisher against whom she struggles
(_Ars Amatoria_, lib. i). One of Janet's patients (Raymond and
Janet, _Les Obsessions et la Psychasthénie_, vol. ii, p. 406)
complained that her husband was too good, too devoted. "He does
not know how to make me suffer a little. One cannot love anyone
who does not make one suffer a little." Another hysterical woman
(a silk fetichist, frigid with men) had dreams of men and animals
abusing her: "I cried with pain and was happy at the same time."
(Clérambault, _Archives d'Anthropologie Criminelle_, June, 1908,
p. 442.)

It has been said that among Slavs of the lower class the wives
feel hurt if they are not beaten by their husbands. Paullinus, in
the seventeenth century, remarked that Russian women are never
more pleased and happy than when beaten by their husbands, and
regard such treatment as proof of love. (See, e.g., C.F. von
Schlichtegroll, _Sacher-Masoch und der Masochismus_, p. 69.)
Krafft-Ebing believes that this is true at the present day, and
adds that it is the same in Hungary, a Hungarian official having
informed him that the peasant women of the Somogyer Comitate do
not think they are loved by their husbands until they have
received the first box on the ear. (Krafft-Ebing, _Psychopathia
Sexualis_, English translation of the tenth edition, p. 188.) I
may add that a Russian proverb says "Love your wife like your
soul and beat her like your _shuba_" (overcoat); and, according
to another Russian proverb, "a dear one's blows hurt not long."
At the same time it has been remarked that the domination of men
by women is peculiarly frequent among the Slav peoples. (V.
Schlichtegroll, op. cit., p. 23.) Cellini, in an interesting
passage in his _Life_ (book ii, chapters xxxiv-xxxv), describes
his own brutal treatment of his model Caterina, who was also his
mistress, and the pleasure which, to his surprise, she took in
it. Dr. Simon Forman, also, the astrologist, tells in his
_Autobiography_ (p. 7) how, as a young and puny apprentice to a
hosier, he was beaten, scolded, and badly treated by the servant
girl, but after some years of this treatment he turned on her,
beat her black and blue, and ever after "Mary would do for him
all that she could."

That it is a sign of love for a man to beat his sweetheart, and a
sign much appreciated by women, is illustrated by the episode of
Cariharta and Repolido, in "Rinconete and Cortadillo," one of
Cervantes's _Exemplary Novels_. The Indian women of South
America feel in the same way, and Mantegazza when traveling in
Bolivia found that they complained when they were not beaten by
their husbands, and that a girl was proud when she could say "He
loves me greatly, for he often beats me." (_Fisiologia della
Donna_, chapter xiii.) The same feeling evidently existed in
classic antiquity, for we find Lucian, in his "Dialogues of
Courtesans," makes a woman say: "He who has not rained blows on
his mistress and torn her hair and her garments is not yet in
love," while Ovid advises lovers sometimes to be angry with their
sweethearts and to tear their dresses.

Among the Italian Camorrista, according to Russo, wives are very
badly treated. Expression is given to this fact in the popular
songs. But the women only feel themselves tenderly loved when
they are badly treated by their husbands; the man who does not
beat them they look upon as a fool. It is the same in the east
end of London. "If anyone has doubts as to the brutalities
practised on women by men," writes a London magistrate, "let him
visit the London Hospital on a Saturday night. Very terrible
sights will meet his eye. Sometimes as many as twelve or fourteen
women may be seen seated in the receiving room, waiting for their
bruised and bleeding faces and bodies to be attended to. In nine
cases out of ten the injuries have been inflicted by brutal and
perhaps drunken husbands. The nurses tell me, however, that any
remarks they may make reflecting on the aggressors are received
with great indignation by the wretched sufferers. They positively
will not hear a single word against the cowardly ruffians.
'Sometimes,' said a nurse to me, 'when I have told a woman that
her husband is a brute, she has drawn herself up and replied:
"You mind your own business, miss. We find the rates and taxes,
and the likes of you are paid out of 'em to wait on us."'"
(Montagu Williams, _Round London_, p. 79.)

"The prostitute really loves her _souteneur_, notwithstanding all
the persecutions he inflicts on her. Their torments only increase
the devotion of the poor slaves to their 'Alphonses.'
Parent-Duchâtelet wrote that he had seen them come to the
hospital with their eyes out of their heads, faces bleeding, and
bodies torn by the blows of their drunken lovers, but as soon as
they were healed they went back to them. Police-officers tell us
that it is very difficult to make a prostitute confess anything
concerning her _souteneur_. Thus, Rosa L., whom her 'Alphonse'
had often threatened to kill, even putting the knife to her
throat, would say nothing, and denied everything when the
magistrate questioned her. Maria R., with her face marked by a
terrible scar produced by her _souteneur_, still carefully
preserved many years afterward the portrait of the aggressor, and
when we asked her to explain her affection she replied: 'But he
wounded me because he loved me.' The _souteneur's_ brutality only
increases the ill-treated woman's love; the humiliation and
slavery in which the woman's soul is drowned feed her love."
(Niceforo, _Il Gergo_, etc., 1897, p. 128.)

In a modern novel written in autobiographic form by a young
Australian lady the heroine is represented as striking her
betrothed with a whip when he merely attempts to kiss her. Later
on her behavior so stings him that his self-control breaks down
and he seizes her fiercely by the arms. For the first time she
realizes that he loves her. "I laughed a joyous little laugh,
saying 'Hal, we are quits'; when on disrobing for the night I
discovered on my soft white shoulders and arms--so susceptible to
bruises--many marks, and black. It had been a very happy day for
me." (Miles Franklin, _My Brilliant Career_.)

It is in large measure the existence of this feeling of
attraction for violence which accounts for the love-letters
received by men who are accused of crimes of violence. Thus in
one instance, in Chicago (as Dr. Kiernan writes to me), "a man
arrested for conspiracy to commit abortion, and also suspected of
being a sadist, received many proposals of marriage and other
less modest expressions of affection from unknown women. To judge
by the signatures, these women belonged to the Germans and Slavs
rather than to the Anglo-Celts."

Neuropathic or degenerative conditions sometimes serve to
accentuate or reveal ancestral traits that are very ancient in
the race. Under such conditions the tendency to find pleasure in
subjection and pain, which is often faintly traceable even in
normal civilized women, may become more pronounced. This may be
seen in a case described in some detail in the _Archivio di
Psichiatria_. The subject was a young lady of 19, of noble
Italian birth, but born in Tunis. On the maternal side there is a
somewhat neurotic heredity, and she is herself subject to attacks
of hystero-epileptoid character. She was very carefully, but
strictly, educated; she knows several languages, possesses marked
intellectual aptitudes, and is greatly interested in social and
political questions, in which she takes the socialistic and
revolutionary side. She has an attractive and sympathetic
personality; in complexion she is dark, with dark eyes and very
dark and abundant hair; the fine down on the upper lip and lower
parts of the cheeks is also much developed; the jaw is large, the
head acrocephalic, and the external genital organs of normal
size, but rather asymmetric. Ever since she was a child she has
loved to work and dream in solitude. Her dreams have always been
of love, since menstruation began as early as the age of 10, and
accompanied by strong sexual feelings, though at that age these
feelings remained vague and indefinite; but in them the desire
for pleasure was always accompanied by the desire for pain, the
desire to bite and destroy something, and, as it were, to
annihilate herself. She experienced great relief after periods of
"erotic rumination," and if this rumination took place at night
she would sometimes masturbate, the contact of the bedclothes,
she said, giving her the illusion of a man. In time this vague
longing for the male gave place to more definite desires for a
man who would love her, and, as she imagined, strike her.
Eventually she formed secret relationships with two or three
lovers in succession, each of these relationships being, however,