difference was paid to rank, and slaves of all conditions were huddled
together. She went therefore prepared to accept of anything short of
these sufferings. She was refused, as being in every respect opposite to
the description of the person sent for. At length her entreaties and
tears prevailed; compassion overruled every obstacle; and she, with her
little girl, was accepted. But there remained another difficulty; she
had left her son chained in the midst of that dungeon from which she had
just been rescued. Her kind patrons soon learned the cause of her
distress; but to send for the youth and treat him kindly, or in any way
above that of a common slave, must hazard the demand of so large a
ransom for him and his mother, as would forever preclude the hope of
liberty. He was, however, sent for, and the menial offices they were
both engaged to perform were only nominal. With circumspection the whole
family were sheltered in this manner for three years; when the war with
the Spaniards growing more inveterate, the Algerines demanded the youth
back to the Bagnio, to work in common with the other slaves, in
repairing the damages done to the fortresses by the Spanish cannon. He
was now compelled to go, loaded with heavy stones, through the whole of
the town; and at almost every step he received dreadful blows, not being
able to hasten his pace from the great weight.

Overcome at last with ill usage, the delicacy of his form and
constitution gave way to the excessive labor, and he one morning refused
the orders of his master, or driver, to rise from the straw on which he
was stretched, declaring they might kill him if they chose, for he would
not even try to carry another load of stones. Repeated messages had
been sent from the Venetian consul's, where his mother and sister were
sheltered, to the Aga, to return him; and when the Algerines found that
they had absolutely reduced him so near death, they thought it best to
spare his life for the sake of future ransom. They agreed, therefore, to
let him return to the Christians. His life was for some time despaired
of; but through the kind attention he received, he was rescued from the
threatened dissolution. His recovery was concealed, for fear of his
being demanded back to work; and a few months after, the Spanish peace
of 1784 being concluded, a ransom was accepted by the Algerines for this
suffering family, and they were set at liberty.

These pirates in old times extended their depredations into the Atlantic
as far as the British Channel. They swarmed in the Mediterranean, not
only belonging to Algiers, but Tunis, and other ports on the coast of
Barbary. Their corsairs making descents on the coasts of those countries
which border on the Mediterranean, pillaging the villages and carrying
off the inhabitants into slavery. The corsairs were vessels of different
descriptions; some large armed ships, and latterly frigates; others were
row gallies and the various craft used by the nations which navigate
that sea, and had been taken by them and added to their marine. Upon the
slaves being landed at Algiers they were marched to the Dey's or
Bashaw's palace, when he selected the number which according to law
belonged to him; and the rest were sold in the slave market to the
highest bidder. A moiety of the plunder, cargoes and vessels taken also
belonged to the Dey. Occasionally, a person by pretending to renounce
his religion, and turning Mahometan would have his sufferings mitigated.

The most desperate attempts were sometimes made to effect an escape from
these ruthless monsters, which occasionally succeeded.

In 1644 William Oakley and four companions escaped from Algiers, in a
most miraculous manner, in a canvas boat. There was at this time an
English clergyman, Mr. Sprat, in captivity, and the wretched slaves had
the privilege of meeting in a cellar, where he would pray with them.
Oakley had got into the good graces of his master, and was allowed his
time by giving his master two dollars a month. He traded in tobacco and
a few trifling articles, so that a strict watch was not kept on his
movements. He conceived the project of making a canvas boat. He says I
now first opened my design to my comrades, informing them, that I had
contrived the model of a boat, which, being formed in pieces, and
afterwards put together, might be the means of our deliverance. They
greedily grasped at the prospect; but cooler reflection pointed out
difficulties innumerable: some of them started objections which they
thought insuperable, and these I endeavored to overrule.

We began our work in the cellar which had served for our devotions,
though it was not the sanctity of the place, but its privacy, that
induced us to this selection. We first provided a piece of wood, twelve
feet long, and, that it might escape observation, it was cut in two,
being jointed in the middle. Next we procured the timbers of ribs,
which, to avoid the same hazard, were in three pieces each, and jointed
in two places. The flat side of one of the two pieces was laid over the
other, and two holes bored in every joint to receive nails; so that when
united, each joint would make an obtuse angle, and approach towards a
semicircular figure, as we required. We had, in the formation of an
external covering, to avoid hammering and nailing, which would have made
such a noise in the cellar as to attract the notice of the Algerines,
who are insufferably suspicious about their wives and slaves. Therefore,
we provided as much canvas as would cover the boat twice over, and as
much pitch, tar and tallow, as would make it a kind of tarpaulin; as
also earthen pots in which to melt our materials. The two carpenters and
myself were appointed to this service in the cellar. We stopped up all
chinks and crevices, that the fumes of these substances might not betray
us. But we had not been long at work, when the smell of the melting
materials overcame me, and obligated me to go into the streets gasping
for breath, where meeting with the cool air, I swooned away, and broke
my face in the fall. My companions, finding me in this plight, carried
me back, extremely sick and unserviceable. Before long, I heard one of
them complain of sickness, and thus he could proceed no further;
therefore, I saw if we abandoned our project this night, it might not be
resumed, which made me resolve to set the cellar door wide open, while I
stood sentinel to give notice of approaching danger. In this way we
finished the whole, and then carried it to my shop, which was about a
furlong distant.

Every thing was fitted in the cellar, the timbers to the keel, the
canvas to the timbers, and the seats to the whole, and then all were
taken to pieces again. It was a matter of difficulty, however, to get
the pieces conveyed out of the city; but William Adams carried the keel,
and hid it at the bottom of a hedge: the rest was carried away with
similar precautions. As I was carrying a piece of canvas, which we had
bought for a sail, I looked back, and discovered the same spy, who had
formerly given us much trouble, following behind. This gave me no small
concern; but, observing an Englishman washing clothes by the sea side, I
desired his help in washing the canvas. Just as we were engaged with it,
the spy came up, and stood on a rock exactly over our heads, to watch
us. Therefore, to delude him, I took the canvas and spread it before his
face on the top of the rock to dry; he staid his own time, and then
marched off. Still I was jealous of his intentions, which induced me to
carry the canvas, when dry, straight back to the city, an incident that
greatly discouraged my comrades. We also procured a small quantity of
provisions, and two goat skins full of fresh water.

In the mean time, I paid my patron my wonted visits, kept up a fair
correspondence, and duly gave him his demands; while I secretly turned
all my goods to ready money as fast as I could, and putting it into a
trunk with a false bottom, I committed it to the charge of Mr. Sprat who
faithfully preserved it for me.

The place which we chose for joining the boat together was a hill about
half a mile from the city, thinking by that means the better to descry
the approach of danger. When the pieces were united, and the canvas
drawn on, four of our number carried the boat down to the sea, where,
stripping ourselves naked, and putting our clothes within, we carried it
as far as we could wade, lest it might be injured by the stones or rocks
near the shore. But we soon discovered that our calculations of lading
were erroneous; for no sooner had we embarked, than the water came in
over the sides, and she was like to sink; so that some new device became
necessary. At last, one whose heart most failed him was willing to be
excluded, and wished rather to hazard the uncertain torments of land,
than the certainty of being drowned at sea. However the boat was still
so deeply laden, that we all concluded that it was impossible to venture
to sea. At length another went ashore, and she held her head stoutly,
and seemed sufficiently capable of our voyage.

Taking a solemn farewell of our two companions left behind, and wishing
them as much happiness as could be hoped for in slavery, and they to us
as long life as could be expected by men going to their graves, we
launched out on the 30th of June 1644, a night ever to be remembered.
Our company consisted of John Anthony, William Adams, John Jephs, John
the carpenter and myself. We now put to sea, without helm, tackle, or
compass. Four of us continually labored at the oars; the employment of
the fifth was baling out the water that leaked through the canvas. We
struggled hard the first night to get out of the reach of our old
masters; but when the day broke, we were still within sight of their
ships in the haven and road-stead. Yet, out boat being small, and lying
close and snug upon the sea, either was not discovered at all, or else
seemed something that was not worth taking up.

On all occasions we found our want of foresight, for now the bread which
had lain soaking in the salt water, was quite spoiled, and the tanned
skins imparted a nauseous quality to the fresh water. So long as bread
was bread, we made no complaints; with careful economy it lasted three
days, but then pale famine, which is the most horrible shape in which
death can be painted, began to stare us in the face. The expedients on
which we fell to assuage our thirst rather inflamed it, and several
things added to our distress. For some time the wind was right against
us; our labour was incessant, for, although much rowing did not carry us
forward, still, cessation of it drove us back; and the season was raging
hot, which rendered our toil insupportable. One small alleviation we had
in the man whose province it was to bale the water out of the boat; he
threw it on our bodies to cool them. However, what with the scorching of
the sun and cooling of the water, our skin was blistered all over. By
day we were stark naked; by night we had on shirts or loose coats; for
we had left our clothing ashore, on purpose to lighten the boat.

One of our number had a pocket dial, which supplied the place of a
compass; and, to say the truth, was not ill befitting such a vessel and
such mariners. By its aid we steered our course by day, while the stars
served as a guide by night; and, if they were obscured, we guessed our
way by the motion of the clouds. In this woful plight we continued four
days and nights. On the fifth day we were at the brink of despair, and
abandoned all hopes of safety. Thence we ceased our labor, and laid
aside our oars; for, either we had no strength left to use them, or were
reluctant to waste the little we had to no purpose. Still we kept
emptying the boat, loth to drown, loth to die, yet knowing no means to
avoid death.

They that act least commonly wish the most; and, when we had forsaken
useful labor, we resorted to fruitless wishes--that we might be taken up
by some ship, if it were but a ship, no matter of what country.

While we lay hulling up and down, our hopes at so low an ebb, we
discovered a tortoise, not far from us, asleep in the sea. Had the great
Drake discovered the Spanish plate fleet, he could not have been more
rejoiced. Once again we bethought ourselves of our oars, and silently
rowing to our prey, took it into the boat in great triumph. Having cut
off its head, and let it bleed in a vessel, we drank the blood, ate the
liver, and sucked the flesh. Our strength and spirits were wonderfully
refreshed, and our work was vigorously renewed. Leaving our fears behind
us, we began to gather hope, and, about noon, discovered, or thought
that we discovered, land. It is impossible to describe our joy and
triumph on this occasion. It was new life to us; it brought fresh blood
into our veins, and fresh vigor into our pale cheeks: we looked like
persons raised from the dead. After further exertion, becoming more
confident, we were at last fully satisfied that it was land. Now, like
distracted persons, we all leapt into the sea, and, being good swimmers,
cooled our parched bodies, never considering that we might become a
ready prey to the sharks. But we presently returned to our boat, and
from being wearied with the exertion, and somewhat cooled by the sea,
lay down to sleep with as much security as if it had been in our beds.
It was fortunately of such short duration that the leaking of the boat
occasioned no danger.

Refreshed by sleep, we found new strength for our work, and tugged hard
at the oar, in hopes of reaching a more stable element before night. But
our progress was very slow. Towards evening an island was discovered,
which was Fromentere, having already seen Majorca; at least, some of our
company, who had navigated these seas, declared that it was so. We
debated long to which of the two our course should be directed; and,
because the last discovered was much infested with venomous serpents, we
all resolved to make for Majorca. The whole of that night we rowed very
hard, and also the next, being the sixth from our putting to sea. The
island was in sight all day, and about ten at night we came under the
land, but it consisted of rocks so steep and craggy that we could not
climb up.

Whilst under these rocks a vessel approached very near. Let the reader
conceive our apprehensions, after all our toil and labor, of being
seized by some Turkish privateer, such as are never off the seas. Thus
we were obliged to lie close; and, when the vessel had passed, we crept
gently along the coast, as near as we durst to the shore, until finding
a suitable place to receive our weather-beaten boat.

We were not insensible of our deliverance on reaching land; though, like
men just awakened from a dream, we could not duly appreciate the
greatness of it. Having had no food since we got the tortoise, John
Anthony and myself set out in search of fresh water, and three remained
with the boat. Before proceeding far, we found ourselves in a wood,
which created great embarrassment. My comrade wished to go one way, and
I wished to go another. How frail and impotent a being is man! That we,
whom common dangers by sea had united, should now fall out about our own
inclinations at land. Yet so we did. He gave me reproachful words; and
it is well that we did not come to blows, but I went my way, and he,
seeing me resolute, followed. The path led to one of those watchtowers
which the Spaniards keep on the coast to give timely notice of the
approach of privateers. Afraid of being fired on, we called to the
sentinel, informing him who we were, and earnestly requesting him to
direct us to fresh water, and to give us some bread. He very kindly
threw down an old mouldy cake, and directed us to a well close at hand.
We drank a little water, and ate a bit of the cake, which we had
difficulty in swallowing, and then hastened to return to our companions
in the boat, to acquaint them with our success.

Though now necessary to leave the boat, we did not do it without regret;
but this was lulled by the importunate cravings of hunger and thirst;
therefore, making her fast ashore, we departed. Advancing, or rather
crawling towards the well, another quarrel rose amongst us, the
remembrance of which is so ungrateful that I shall bury it in silence,
the best tomb for controversies. One of our company, William Adams, in
attempting to drink, was unable to swallow the water, and sunk to the
ground, faintly exclaiming, "I am a dead man!" After much straining and
forcing, he, at length, got a little over; and when we were all
refreshed with the cake and water, we lay down by the side of the well
to wait for morning.

When it was broad day, we once more applied to the sentinel, to point
out the way to the nearest house or town, which he did, directing us to
a house about two miles distant; but our feet were so raw and blistered
by the sun that it was long before we could get this short journey over;
and then, the owners of the house, concluding from our garb that we came
with a pilfering design, presented a fowling-piece, charging us to
stand. The first of our number, who could speak the language of the
country, mildly endeavored to undeceive him, saying, we were a company
of poor creatures, whom the wonderful providence of God had rescued from
the slavery of Algiers, and hoped that he would show mercy to our
afflictions. The honest farmer, moved with our relation, sent out
bread, water and olives. After refreshing ourselves with these, we lay
down and rested three or four hours in the field; and, having given him
thanks for his charity, prepared to crawl away. Pleased with our
gratitude, he called us into his house, and gave us good warm bean
pottage, which to me seemed the best food I had ever ate. Again taking
leave, we advanced towards Majorca, which was about ten miles distant.

Next morning we arrived in the suburbs, where the singularity of our
attire, being barefoot and bare legged, and having nothing on except
loose shirts, drawn over our coats, attracted a crowd of enquirers. We
gave a circumstantial account of our deliverance; and, as they were
willing to contribute to our relief, they supplied us with food, wine,
strong waters, and whatever else might renovate our exhausted spirits.
They said, however, that we must remain in the suburbs until the viceroy
had notice of our arrival. We were called before him, and when he had
heard the account of our escape and dangers, he ordered us to be
maintained at his expense until we should obtain a passage to our own
country; and, in the meantime, the people collected money to buy clothes
and shoes.

From Majorca they proceeded to Cadiz, and from thence to England, which
they reached in safety.

Several expeditions at different periods were fitted out by different
European nations to chastise the pirates. The Emperor, Charles V., in
the plenitude of his power, sailed with a formidable armament in the
year 1541, and affected a landing. Without doubt he would have taken the
city, if a terrible storm had not risen, which destroyed a great part of
his fleet and obliged him to re-embark with his shattered forces in the
greatest precipitation. The exultation of the Algerines was unbounded;
they now looked on themselves as the special favorites of heaven; the
most powerful army which had ever attempted their subjection had
returned with the loss of one third their number, and a great part of
its ships and transports. Prisoners had been taken in such abundance,
that to show their worthlessness, they were publicly sold in the
market-place at Algiers, at an onion a head.

For nearly a century after this, little occurs of note in Algerine
history except a constant system of piracy. In 1655 the British Admiral
Blake gave them a drubbing.

The French were the next to attack these common enemies of Europe.
Admiral Duguesne commanded the expedition, and after bombarding the
place a short time, the Dey himself soon began to be terrified at the
destruction these new engines of naval war made, when an unfavorable
wind arising, compelled the fleet to make all sail for Toulon.

Relieved from the terror of immediate destruction, the Algerines
returned to their old ways, making descents on the coast of Provence,
where they committed the most dreadful ravages, killing, burning and
destroying all that came in their way. The Dey also recovered, not only
his courage, but his humor; for learning what a large sum the late
expedition against his city had cost, he sent to say, "that if Louis
would give him half the money, he would undertake to burn the whole city
to please him." The French accordingly sent a new expedition under the
same officers the next year. Duguesne again sailed, and in front of the
city was joined by the Marquis D'Affranville, at the head of five other
stout ships. A council of war was held and an immediate attack resolved
upon, in consequence of which, the vessels having taken up their
stations, a hundred bombs were thrown into the town during that day, and
as many more on the following night, when the town was observed to be on
fire in several places; the Dey's palace, and other public buildings
were in ruins; some of the batteries were dismounted, and several
vessels sunk in the fort. This speedy destruction soon determined the
Dey and Janissaries to sue for peace; and a message to this effect was
sent to Duguesne, who consented to cease firing, but refused to
negociate regarding terms, until all the captives taken fighting under
the French flag were given up as a preliminary step. This was agreed to,
and one hundred and forty-two prisoners immediately sent off. In the
mean time the soldiery becoming furious, assassinated the Dey and
elected a new one, who ordered the flag to be hoisted on the city walls.
Hostilities were now renewed with greater fury than before, and the
French admiral threw such volleys of bombs into the city, that in less
than three days the greatest part of it was reduced to ashes; and the
fire burnt with such vehemence that the bay was illuminated to the
distance of two or three leagues. Rendered desperate by the carnage
around him, the new Dey ordered all the French captives who had been
collected into the city to be cruelly murdered, and binding Father
Vacher, the French Resident, hand and foot, had him tied to a mortar and
fired off like a bomb against the French fleet. This wanton piece of
atrocity so exasperated Duguesne, that, laying his fleet as near land as
possible, he continued his cannonade until he had destroyed all their
shipping, fortifications, buildings; in short, almost the whole of the
lower town, and about two-thirds of the upper; when finding nothing else
which a naval force could do, and being unprovided for a land
expedition, he stood out leisurely to sea, leaving the Algerines to
reflect over the sad consequences of their obstinacy. For several years
after this they kept in the old piratical track; and upon the British
consuls making a complaint to the Dey, on occasion of one of his
corsairs having captured a vessel, he openly replied, "It is all very
true, but what would you have? the Algerines are a company of rogues,
and I am their captain."

To such people force was the argument; and in 1700 Capt. Beach, falling
in with seven of their frigates, attacked them, drove them on shore, and
burnt them. Expeditions at various times were sent against them, but
without effecting much; and most of the maritime nations paid them
tribute. But a new power was destined to spring up, from which these
pirates were to receive their first check; that power was the United
States of America.

In 1792 his corsairs, in a single cruise, swept off ten American
vessels, and sent their crews to the Bagnio, so that there were one
hundred and fifteen in slavery.

Negociations were at once set on foot; the Dey's demands had of course
risen in proportion to the number of his prisoners, and the Americans
had not only to pay ransom at a high rate, with presents, marine stores,
and yearly tribute, but to build and present to the Dey, as a
propitiatory offering, a thirty-six gun frigate; so that the whole
expenses fell little short of a million of dollars, in return for which
they obtained liberty for their captives, protection for their merchant
vessels, and the right of free trade with Algiers. The treaty was signed
September 5th, 1795; and from that time, up to 1812, the Dey continued
on tolerable good terms with Congress; indeed, so highly was he pleased
with them, in 1800, that he signified to the consul his intention of
sending an ambassador to the Porte, with the customary presents, in the
Washington, a small American frigate, at that time lying in the harbor
of Algiers. In vain the consul and captain remonstrated, and represented
that they had no authority to send the vessel on such a mission; they
were silenced by the assurance that it was a particular honor conferred
on them, which the Dey had declined offering to any of the English
vessels then in harbor, as he was rather angry with that nation. The
Washington was obliged to be prepared for the service; the corsair flag,
bearing the turbaned head of Ali, was run up to her main top, under a
salute of seven guns; and in this respectable plight she sailed up the
Mediterranean, dropped anchor before the seven towers, where, having
landed her cargo, she was permitted to resume her own colors, and was
thus the first vessel to hoist the American Union in the Thracian
Bosphorus.

[Illustration: _Algerines in the act of firing off the French consul from
a mortar at the French fleet._]

In 1812, however, the Dey, finding his funds at a low ebb, and receiving
from all quarters reports that a wealthy American commerce was afloat,
determined on trying them with a new war. He was peculiarly unfortunate
in the time chosen, as the States, having about a month previously
declared war with Great Britain, had, in fact, withdrawn most of the
merchant ships from the sea, so that the only prize which fell into the
hands of the Dey's cruizers was a small brig, with a crew of eleven
persons. The time at length came for putting an end to these lawless
depredations, and peace having been concluded with England, President
Madison, in 1815, despatched an American squadron, under commodores
Bainbridge and Decatur, with Mr. Shaler, as envoy, on board, to demand
full satisfaction for all injuries done to American subjects, the
immediate release of such as were captives, the restitution of their
property, with an assurance that no future violence should be offered,
and also to negociate the preliminaries of a treaty on terms of perfect
equality, no proposal of tribute being at all admissible. The squadron
reached its destination early in June, and, having captured an Algerine
frigate and brig-of-war, suddenly appeared before Algiers, at a moment
when all the cruizers were at sea, and delivered, for the consideration
of the Divan, the terms on which they were commissioned to make peace,
together with a letter from the President to the Dey. Confounded by the
sudden and entirely unexpected appearance of this force, the Algerines
agreed, on the 30th of June, to the proposals of a treaty, almost
without discussion.

It had long been a reproach to Great Britain, the mistress of the sea,
that she had tamely suffered a barbarian power to commit such atrocious
ravages on the fleets and shores of the minor states along the
Mediterranean. At length a good cause was made for chastising them.

At Bona, a few miles to the east of Algiers, was an establishment for
carrying on a coral fishery, under the protection of the British flag,
which, at the season, was frequented by a great number of boats from the
Corsican, Neapolitan, and other Italian ports. On the 23d of May, the
feast of Ascension, as the crews of all the boats were preparing to hear
mass, a gun was fired from the castle, and at the same time appeared
about two thousand, other accounts say four thousand, infantry and
cavalry, consisting of Turks, Levanters, and Moors. A part of these
troops proceeded towards the country, whilst another band advanced
towards the river, where the fishing boats were lying at different
distances from the sea; and opening a fire upon the unfortunate
fishermen, who were partly on board and partly on land, massacred almost
the whole of them. They then seized the English flags, tore them in
pieces, and trampling them under foot, dragged them along the ground in
triumph. The men who happened to be in the country saved themselves by
flight, and declared that they saw the soldiers pillage the house of the
British vice-consul, the magazines containing the provisions, and the
coral that had been fished up. A few boats escaped, and brought the news
to Genoa, whence it was transmitted by the agent of Lloyd's in a
despatch, dated June 6th.

No sooner had the account of this atrocious slaughter reached England,
than all ranks seemed inflamed with a desire that a great and signal
punishment should be taken on this barbarian prince, who was neither
restrained by the feelings of humanity nor bound by treaties. An
expedition, therefore, was fitted out with all speed at Portsmouth, and
the command intrusted to Lord Exmouth, who, after some delays from
contrary winds, finally sailed, July 28th, with a fleet complete in all
points, consisting of his own ship, the Queen Charlotte, one hundred
and twenty guns; the Impregnable, rear admiral, Sir David Milne; ninety
guns; Minden, Superb, Albion, each seventy-four guns; the Leander fifty
guns, with four more frigates and brigs, bombs, fire-ships, and several
smaller vessels, well supplied, in addition to the ordinary means of
warfare, with Congreve rockets, and Shrapnell shells, the destructive
powers of which have lately been abundantly proved on the continent.
August 9, the fleet anchored at Gibraltar, and was there joined by the
Dutch admiral, Van Cappillen, commanding five frigates and a corvette,
who had been already at Algiers, endeavoring to deliver slaves: but
being refused, and finding his force insufficient, had determined on
joining himself with the English squadron, which it was understood was
under weigh. Meanwhile, the Prometheus, Captain Dashwood, had been sent
forward to Algiers to bring off the British consul and family; but could
only succeed in getting his wife and daughter, who were obliged to make
their escape, disguised in midshipmen's uniform; for the Dey, having
heard through some French papers of the British expedition, had seized
the consul, Mr. Macdonnell, and put him in chains; and, hearing of the
escape of his wife, immediately ordered the detention of two boats of
the Prometheus, which happened to be on shore, and made slaves of the
crews, amounting to eighteen men. This new outrage was reported to Lord
Exmouth soon after leaving Gibraltar, and of course added not a little
to his eagerness to reach Algiers. He arrived off Algiers on the morning
of the 27th of August, and sent in his interpreter, Mr. Salame, with
Lieutenant Burgess, under a flag of truce, bearing a letter for the Dey,
demanding reparation.

Meantime, a light breeze sprung up, and the fleet advanced into the bay,
and lay to, at about a mile off Algiers "It was now," says Mr. Salame,
in his entertaining narrative, "half-past two, and no answer coming out,
notwithstanding we had staid half an hour longer than our instructions,
and the fleet being almost opposite the town, with a fine breeze, we
thought proper, after having done our duty, to lose no more time, but to
go on board, and inform his lordship of what had happened.

"Mr. Burgess, the flag-lieutenant, having agreed with me, we hoisted the
signal, _that no answer had been given_, and began to row away towards
the Queen Charlotte. After I had given our report to the admiral, of our
meeting the captain of the port, and our waiting there, &c., I was quite
surprised to see how his lordship was altered from what I left him in
the morning; for I knew his manner was in general very mild, and now he
seemed to me _all-fightful,_ as a fierce lion, which had been chained in
its cage, and was set at liberty. With all that, his lordship's answer
to me was, '_Never mind, we shall see now_;' and at the same time he
turned towards the officers, saying, '_Be ready_,' whereupon I saw every
one with the match or the string of the lock in his hand, most anxiously
expecting the word '_Fire_'!

"No sooner had Salame returned, than his lordship made the signal to know
whether all the ships were ready, which being answered in the
affirmative, he directly turned the head of the Queen Charlotte towards
shore, and, to the utter amazement of the Algerines, ran across all the
batteries without firing or receiving a single shot, until he brought up
within eighty yards of the south end of the mole, where he lashed her to
the mainmast of an Algerine brig, which he had taken as his direction,
and had then the pleasure of seeing all the rest of the fleet, including
the Dutch frigates, taking up their assigned stations with the same
precision and regularity. The position in which the Queen Charlotte was
laid was so admirable that she was only exposed to the fire of three or
four flanking guns, while her broadside swept the whole batteries, and
completely commanded the mole and marine, every part of which could be
seen distinctly from her quarter-deck. Up to this moment not a shot had
been fired, and the batteries were all crowded with spectators, gazing
in astonishment at the quiet and regularity which prevailed through all
the British ships, and the dangerous vicinity in which they placed
themselves to such formidable means of defence. Lord Exmouth, therefore,
began to conceive hopes that his demands would still be granted; but the
delay, it appeared, was caused by the Algerines being completely
unprepared for so very sudden an approach, insomuch that their guns were
not shotted at the moment when the Queen Charlotte swept past them, and
they were distinctly seen loading them as the other ships were coming
into line. Anxious, if possible, to spare unnecessary effusion of blood,
his lordship, standing on the quarter-deck, repeatedly waved his hat as
a warning to the multitudes assembled on the mole to retire, but his
signal was unheeded, and at a quarter before three in the afternoon the
first gun was fired at the Queen Charlotte from the eastern battery, and
two more at the Albion and Superb, which were following. Then Lord
Exmouth, having seen only _the smoke of the gun,_ before the sound
reached him, said, with great alacrity, '_That will do; fire my fine
fellows!_' and I am sure that before his lordship had finished these
words, our broadside was given with great cheering, which was fired
three times within five or six minutes; and at the same time the other
ships did the same. This first fire was so terrible, that they say more
than five hundred persons were killed and wounded by it. And I believe
this, because there was a great crowd of people in every part, many of
whom, after the first discharge, I saw running away, under the walls,
like dogs, walking upon their feet and hands.

"After the attack took place on both sides in this horrible manner,
immediately the sky was darkened by the smoke, the sun completely
eclipsed, and the horizon became dreary. Being exhausted by the heat of
that powerful sun, to which I was exposed the whole day, and my ears
being deafened by the roar of the guns, and finding myself in the
dreadful danger of such a terrible engagement, in which I had never been
before, I was quite at a loss, and like an astonished or stupid man, and
did not know myself where I was. At last his lordship, having perceived
my situation, said, 'You have done your duty, now go below.' Upon which
I began to descend from the quarter-deck, quite confounded and
terrified, and not sure that I should reach the cock-pit alive; for it
was most tremendous to hear the crashing of the shot, to see the wounded
men brought from one part, and the killed from the other; and
especially, at such a time, to be found among the _English seamen_! and
to witness their manners, their activity, their courage, and their
cheerfulness during the battle!--it is really most overpowering and
beyond imagination."

The battle continued to rage furiously, and the havoc on both sides was
very great. There were some awful moments, particularly when Algerine
vessels so near our line were set on fire. The officers surrounding Lord
Exmouth had been anxious for permission to make an attempt upon the
outer frigate, distant about a hundred yards. He at length consented,
and Major Gossett, of the corps of marines, eagerly entreated and
obtained permission to accompany Lieutenant Richards in the ship's
barge. The frigate was instantly boarded, and, in ten minutes, in a
perfect blaze. A gallant young midshipman, although forbidden, was led
by his too ardent spirit to follow in support of the barge, in which
attempt he was desperately wounded, his brother officer killed, and nine
of the crew. The barge, by rowing more rapidly, escaped better, having
but one killed.

About sunset the admiral received a message from rear-admiral Milne,
stating his severe loss in killed and wounded, amounting to one hundred
and fifty, and requesting that, if possible, a frigate might be sent him
to take off some of the enemy's fire. The Glasgow accordingly was
ordered to get under weigh, but the wind having been laid by the
cannonade, she was obliged again to anchor, having obtained a rather
more favorable position. The flotilla of mortar, gun, and rocket boats,
under the direction of their respective artillery officers, shared to
the full extent of their powers the honors and toils of this glorious
day. It was by their fire that all the ships in the port (with the
exception of the outer frigate already mentioned) were in flames, which,
extending rapidly over the whole arsenal, gun-boats, and storehouses,
exhibited a spectacle of awful grandeur and interest which no pen can
describe. The sloops of war which had been appropriated to aid and
assist the ships of the line, and prepare for their retreat, performed
not only that duty well, but embraced every opportunity of firing
through the intervals, and were constantly in motion. The shells from
the bombs were admirably well thrown by the royal marine artillery, and,
though directed over and across our own men-of-war, did not produce a
single accident. To complete the confusion of the enemy, the admiral now
ordered the explosion ship, which had been charged for the occasion, to
be brought within the mole; but upon the representation of Sir David
Milne that it would do him essential service, if made to act on the
battery in his front, it was towed to that spot, and blown up with
tremendous effect.

This was almost the final blow;--the enemy's fire had for some time been
very slack, and now almost wholly ceased, except that occasionally a few
shots and shells were discharged from the higher citadel, upon which the
guns of the fleet could not be brought to bear. The admiral, who from
the commencement had been in the hottest of the engagement, and had
fired until his guns were so hot that they could, some of them, not be
used again; now seeing that he had executed the most important part of
his instructions, issued orders for drawing off the fleet. This was
commenced in excellent order about ten at night, and the usual breeze
having set off from shore favored their manoeuvre, so that, all hands
being employed in warping and towing, the vessels were got safely into
the bay, and anchored, beyond reach of shot, about two o'clock the next
morning.

So signal and well contested a victory could not have been gained
without a considerable loss and suffering. It amounted in the English
fleet, to one hundred and twenty-eight men killed, and six hundred and
ninety wounded; in the Dutch squadron, to thirteen killed, and fifty-two
wounded; grand total, eight hundred and eighty-three. But the enemy
suffered much more severly; they are computed to have lost, in killed
and wounded, not less than between six and seven thousand men. The loss
sustained by the Algerines by the destruction in the mole was four large
frigates, of forty-four guns. Five large corvettes, from twenty-four to
thirty guns. All the gun and mortar-boats, except seven; thirty
destroyed. Several merchant brigs and schooners. A great number of small
vessels of various descriptions. All the pontoons, lighters, &c.,
Store-houses and arsenal, with all the timber, and various marine
articles destroyed in part. A great many gun-carriages, mortar-beds,
casks, and ships' stores of all descriptions.

Negociations were immediately opened in form; and on the 30th August the
admiral published a notification to the fleet, that all demands had been
complied with, the British consul had been indemnified for his losses,
and the Dey, in presence of all his officers, had made him a public
apology for the insults offered him. On the 1st of September, Lord
Exmouth had the pleasure of informing the secretary of the Admiralty,
that all the slaves in the city of Algiers, and its immediate vicinity
were embarked; as also 357,000 dollars for Naples, and 25,000 dollars
for Sardinia.

The number of slaves thus released amounted to one thousand and
eighty-three, of whom four hundred and seventy-one were Neapolitans,
two hundred and thirty-six Sicilians, one hundred and seventy-three
Romans, six Tuscans, one hundred and sixty-one Spaniards, one
Portuguese, seven Greeks, twenty-eight Dutch, and not _one Englishman_.
Were there an action more than another on which an Englishman would
willingly risk the fame and honor of his nation, it would be this attack
on Algiers, which, undertaken solely at her own risk, and earned solely
by the expenditure of her own blood and her own resources, rescued not a
single subject of her own from the tyrant's grasp, while it freed more
than a thousand belonging to other European powers.

In August, 1816, the strength of Algiers seemed annihilated; her walls
were in ruins, her haughty flag was humbled to the dust; her gates lay
open to a hostile power, and terms were dictated in the palace of her
princes. A year passed, the hostile squadron had left her ports, the
clang of the workman's hammer, the hum of busy men resounded through her
streets, fresh walls had risen, new and more formidable batteries had
been added; again she resumed her attitude as of yore, bid defiance to
her foes, and declared war on civilization:--again her blood-stained
corsairs swept the seas, eager for plunder, ready for combat;--Christian
commerce once more became shackled by her enterprise, and Christian
captives once more sent up their cry for deliverance. In 1819, her
piracies had become so numerous that the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle
caused it to be notified to the Dey, that their cessation was required,
and would be enforced, by a combined French and English squadron. His
reply was brief and arrogant, and the admirals were obliged to leave
without obtaining the least satisfaction. By menaces, however,
accompanied by the presence of some cruisers, England, France, and the
United States caused their flags to be respected.

Ali, the successor of Amar, had died in 1818, and was succeeded by
Hassein Pasha, who, from the commencement of his reign, evinced the
strongest antipathy to the French power. In 1824, he imposed an
arbitrary tax through all his provinces on French goods and
manufactures; the consul's house was frequently entered and searched in
a vexatious manner, contrary to the express stipulations of treaties;
and, finally, April, 1827, the consul himself, having gone at the feast
of Bayram to pay his respects, was, upon a slight difference of opinion
arising during their conversation, struck across the mouth with a
fly-flap which the Dey held in his hand, and in consequence soon after
left Algiers, while the Dey ordered the destruction of all the French
establishments along the coast towards Bona, and oppressed in every
manner the French residents within his dominions. A blockade was
instantly commenced by the French, and maintained for nearly three
years, until it was found that they suffered much more by it than the
Dey, the expense having reached nearly 800,000_l_ sterling, while he
appeared no way inconvenienced by their efforts, and even treated them
with such contempt as to order his forts to fire on the vessel of
Admiral Le da Bretonnière, who, in 1829, had gone there under a flag of
truce to make a final proposal of terms of accommodation. So signal a
violation of the laws of nations could not be overlooked, even by the
imbecile administrations of Charles X. All France was in an uproar; the
national flag had been dishonored, and her ambassador insulted; the cry
for war became loud and universal; conferences on the subject were held;
the oldest and most experienced mariners were invited by the minister at
war to assist in his deliberations; and an expedition was finally
determined on in the month of February, 1830, to consist of about
thirty-seven thousand men, a number which it was calculated would not
only be sufficient to overcome all opposition which might be
encountered, but to enable the French to reduce the kingdom to a
province, and retain it in subjection for any length of time that might
be considered advisable. No sooner was this decision promulgated, than
all the necessary preparations were commenced with the utmost diligence.
It was now February, and the expedition was to embark by the end of
April, so that no time could be lost. The arsenals, the naval and
military workships, were all in full employment. Field and breaching
batteries were mounted on a new principle lately adopted; gabions,
earth-bags, _chevaux-de-frise,_ and projectiles were made in the
greatest abundance maps, notes, and all the information that could be
procured respecting Barbary were transmitted to the war office, where
their contents were compared and digested, and a plan of operations was
drawn out. The commissariat were busied in collecting provisions,
waggons, and fitting out an efficient hospital train; a
deputy-commissary was despatched to reconnoitre the coasts of Spain and
the Balearic Islands, to ascertain what resources could be drawn from
them, and negociate with the king for leave to establish military
hospitals at Port Mahon. Eighteen regiments of the line, three squadrons
of cavalry, and different corps of artillery and engineers were ordered
to hold themselves in readiness; four hundred transports were assembled,
and chartered by government in the port of Marseilles, while the vessels
of war, which were to form the convoy, were appointed their rendezvous
in the neighborhood of Toulon. After some hesitation as to who should
command this important expedition, the Count de Bourmont, then minister
at war, thought fit to appoint himself; and his etat-major was soon
complete, Desprez acting as chief, and Tholozé as second in command.
Maubert de Neuilly was chosen provost-marshal, De Bartillat (who
afterwards wrote an entertaining account of the expedition)
quarter-master general, and De Carne commissary-general to the forces.
In addition to these, there were about twenty aid-de-camps, orderlies,
and young men of rank attached to the staff, together with a Spanish
general, an English colonel, a Russian colonel and lieutenant, and two
Saxon officers, deputed by their respective governments. There were also
a section of engineer-geographers, whose business was to survey and map
the country as it was conquered, "and," says M. Roget, who was himself
employed in the service we have just mentioned, and to whose excellent
work, written in that capacity, we are so much indebted, "twenty-four
interpreters, the half of whom knew neither French nor Arabic, were
attached-to the different corps of the army, in order to facilitate
their intercourse with the inhabitants." As the minister had determined
on risking his own reputation on the expedition, the supplies were all,
of course, of the completest kind, and in the greatest abundance.
Provisions for three months were ordered; an equal quantity was to be
forwarded as soon as the army had landed in Africa; and, amongst the
other materials furnished we observe, in looking over the returns,